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OCEANVS ORIENTALIS 




MAr OF MAINLAND, FROM "A RI- 
From a copy of the original in the New Y 



H 






ORIGINAL NARRATIVES 
OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY 

REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE 
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 

General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D. 

DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH IN THE 
CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON 



NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

1633— 1684 






Hw, 



CONTENTS 



NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 



Edited by Clayton Colman Hall 

An Account of the Colony op the Lord Baron of Baltamore, 1633 

Introduction 

Inducements offered to Adventurers thither .... 
Climate, Physical Features, and Products .... 

Instructions to the Colonists by Lord Baltimore, 1633 
Introduction ' 

)isputes concerning Religion forbidden ..... 

nquiry as to Fomenters of Discontent ..... 

} iquiry as to Relations with Virginia ..... 

To negotiate with Captain William Claiborne 

Publication of Charter; Oath of Allegiance to the King required 

Construction of Fort and Town ...... 

J lanting, Military Discipline, and Justice .... 

A B^iefe Relation of the Voyage unto Maryland, by Father 
Andrew White, 1634 . 
Introduction . 
Sailing of the Colonists in Two Vessels 

Cowes ..... 
Vessels separated by Storm . 
Incidents of the Ocean Voyage 
Arrival at Barbados . . 
Vessels reunited at Barbados 
Arrival at St. Christopher's . 
Arrival at Virginia 1 
Arrival and Landing in Maryland . 
Purchase from Natives of Site for Town 
Description of the Natives, their Customs, Apparel, etc. 



PAGE 
1 

3 
6 

7 

11 
13 
.16 
16 
17 
18'- 
20 
21 
23 



(the Ark and the Dove) from 



25 

27 

29 
30 
30 
34 
37 
39 
39 
40 
42 
43 



Extract from a Letter of Captain Thomas Yong to Sir Toby Mat- 

. thew, 1634 

Introduction ........ 

Interview with Captain Claiborne ..... 

Meeting with Governor of Virginia (Sir John Harvey) 
Captain Cornwallis tells of his Experience with Claiborne 4 
Conditions in Virginia ....... 



47 
49 
53 
55 
55 
59 



VI 



CONTENTS 



A Relation op Maryland, 1635 . . 

Introduction 

Voyage to Maryland in the Ark and the Dove 
Landing in Maryland . . 
Friendly Relations with the Native Indians 
Settlement at St. Mary's .... 
Description of the Country .... 
Natural Products of the Country • . 
Products for which the Country is adapted 
Description of the Indians .... 
., -Their System of Government 
/ Their Domestic Relations .... 

^heir Mode of Life 

Interview between Governor Calvert and an Indian Messenger 

Indian Money of Exchange .... 

Conditions of Plantation offered by Lord Baltimore to Settlers or Ad 

venturers in Maryland .... 

Instructions and Advice to expectant Settlers or Adventurers 

List of Articles with which Colonists should provide themselves 

Computation of the Value of a Servant's Labor 

Articles needed on Shipboard and for Trade . 

Selection of Servants ....... 

Form of Indenture of a Servant ..... 

Form of Bill of Lading ...... 

List of Gentlemen Adventurers gone to Maryland . 
Charter op Maryland ...... 

Preamble; Grant ....... 

Metes and Bounds ...... 

Advowson of Churches ...... 

Proprietary's Rank and Authority .... 

Tenure; Status of Province; Legislative Assembly . 

Courts and Justice ....... 

Executive Ordinances; Liberty of Subjects to Emigrate 

Privileges of Trade; Military Authority . 

Conferring of Dignities; Erection and Incorporation of Towns 

Trade with England; Establishment of Ports . 

Power to levy Customs Duties; Right of Alienation 

Manors, Courts Baron, and View of Frank Pledge 

Relations to the Crown ..... 

Interpretation of the Charter in favor of Grantee 



Extracts prom the Annual Letters of the English Province of the 

Society of Jesus, 1634, 1638, 1639, 1640, 1642, 1654, 1656, 1681 113 

Introduction .......... 1 

Departure for America ........ 1 

Accounts of Labors and Conversions ...... 1. 

Certain Deaths mentioned ........ V^ 



CONTENTS 



IX 



Discussion with Philip Calvert as to rival claims of the English and 

Dutch to Delaware Bay . . . . . . . .321 

Discussion with Philip Calvert renewed ...... 323 

Audiences with Governor Fendall and Council .... 325 

Departure of the Envoys from Maryland ..... 332 

A Character of the Province op Maryland, by George Alsop, 1666 335 

Introduction . . 337 

Dedications and Preface . ... . . . . . 340 

Geographical Situation and Natural Resources .... 343 

Character of the Government, . . . . . . . 348 

Disposition of the Inhabitants . . . . . . .351 

•Condition of Indented Servants . . . . . . . 354 

Advantages of the New World for Working-People .... 359 

Trade of the Province . . . . . . . .363 

Customs and Costumes of Indians ...... 365 

Warfare and Torture of Captives by Indians ..... 367 

Their Religion . . . 369 

"* — 'Their Manner of Hunting ........ 370 

Sundry Letters of Alsop, mostly from Maryland .... 371 

From the Journal of George Fox, 1672, 1673 . . . .389 

Introduction 391 

Meetings on Western Shore of the Bay ...... 393 

Passage to the Eastern Shore ....... 394 

Departure for New England, and Return to Maryland . . . 395 

Continued Meetings on the Eastern Shore ..... 396 

Journey around the Head of the Bay to the Western Shore . . 398 

Meetings at Severn and the Cliffs ....... 399 

Departure for Virginia and Return ...... 400 

Meeting at Patuxent . . . . . . . . . 400 

Return to Eastern Shore ........ 402 

Return to Western Shore; General Meeting; Departure for England . 405 

Reports of Conferences between Lord Baltimore (Charles, Third 
Baron and Second Proprietary) and William Penn, and 
their Agents, 1682, 1683, 1684 _ 

Introduction 

Account of Correspondence and Conferences between Lord Baltimore 
and William Markham, 1682 

Arrival of William Penn at New Castle 

Account of Conference between Lord Baltimore and William Penn, 1682 

Full Report of the Discussion at that Conference . 

Report by Lord Baltimore of Conference with Penn, 1683 

Report by George Talbot of his Conference with Penn, 1684 . 



407 
409 

414 
420 
421 
425 
434 
437 



/ 



MAP AND FACSIMILE REPRODUCTIONS 

Map of Maryland, from "A Relation of Maryland," 1635. From a 
copy of the original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Build- 
ing) .......... Frontispiece 

PAGE 

First Page of Lord Baltimore's Instructions to the First Colon- 
ists. From the original among the Calvert papers in the possession 
of the Maryland Historical Society ...... 16 

Title-page of "A Relation of Maryland," 1635. From a copy of the 

original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) . . 70 



AN ACCOUNT OF THE COLONY OF THE 
LORD BARON OF BALTAMORE, 1633 



INTRODUCTION 

The Account of Lord Baltimore's Colony in Maryland is 
a translation from the Latin original transcribed about the 
year 1832 by the late Father William McSherry, S. J., from 
the Archives of the Society of Jesus in Rome (Angl.Histor., 
IV. 877-880). The Latin text of Father McSherry 's copy, 
together with an English translation, was published by the 
Maryland Historical Society in 1874 (Fund Publication no. 7). 
In 1898 this text was compared with the record in the Jesuit 
archives by Father Thomas Hughes, S. J., and several minor 
corrections noted. 1 In the following text these corrections 
have been embodied and the whole translation carefully 
revised. 

The original document, prepared, as the text indicates, 
some months before the departure of the first colonists of 
Maryland, and in anticipation of that event, was written by 
Father Andrew White, S. J., 2 and doubtless transmitted either 
by him directly or through the Provincial in England to the 
General of the Society at Rome, the Very Reverend Father 
Mucio Vitelleschi, for the better information of the latter as to 
the nature of the new field in which the writer was tc be 
engaged. 

The sources from which the facts were derived are stated 
in the document itself. George, the first Lord Baltimore and 
father of Cecilius, the first Proprietary of Maryland, was in 

1 Maryland Historical Soniety, Calvert Papers no. 3 (Fund Pub. no. *>5), 
app. B. 

2 The note on page 53 of the Maryland Historical Society Fund Publication 
no. 7, which ascribes the authorship of this account to Cecilius Lord Baltimore, 
is obviously due to an error, either of the transcriber or of the editor. The not* 
does not appear in the original record in the Archives of the Society of Jesus. 

3 



4 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

fact an " eye- witness," as he had explored the country upo 
the occasion of his visit to Virginia in 1629-1630 after reco 
nizing the unpromising condition of his projected colony 
Avalon in Newfoundland; and the account of Captain Jol 
Smith referred to is doubtless that contained in the Descrip- 
tion of Virginia, etc., published in 1612. 1 The writer of this 
document was evidently familiar with the Conditions of Plan- 
tation offered by Cecilius Lord Baltimore as inducements to 
persons to embark in the adventure, from which he freely 
quotes. 

The zealous missionary dwells much upon the prospect of 
extending the light of the Gospel in a new field, but at the 
same time he does not overlook the material advantages 
offered by the Proprietary to such as would join in the enter- 
prise either in person or by contribution of money. 

A translation of this document was made, from a manu- 
script copy formerly in the possession of the Maryland His- 
torical Society, by the late N. C. Brooks, LL.D., and published 
in 1847 in Force's Tracts, IV., no. 12. In 1872 the Latin text 
was printed in the Woodstock Letters for private circulation 
among members of the Society of Jesus, with a revision of 
this translation. 

C. C. H. 

s Narratives of Early Virginia, in this series, p. 73. 



AN ACCOUNT OF THE COLONY OF THE 
LORD BARON OF BALTAMORE, 1633 

An Account of the Colony of the Lord Baron of Baltamore, in 
Maryland, near Virginia: in which the character, quality 
and state of the Country, and its numerous advantages and 
sources of wealth are set forth. 

This province is near the English Colony in Virginia. The 
Most Serene King of England desired that it should be called 
the land of Maria or Maryland, in honor of Maria, his wife. 1 
The same Most Serene King, out of his own noble disposition, 
recently, in the month of June, 1632, gave this Province to the 
Lord Baron of Baltamore and his heirs forever; and this gift he 
has confirmed and ratified by the public seal of his whole king- 
dom. Therefore the Most Illustrious Baron has already de- 
termined to lead a colony into those parts, first and especially, 
in order that he may carry thither and to the neighboring 
places, whither it has been ascertained that no knowledge 1 
the true God has as yet penetrated, the light of the Gospel 
and the truth; then, also with this intent, that all the associ- 
ates of his travels and toils may be invited to a share in the 
gain and honor, and the empire of the King be more widely 
extended. 

For this purpose he is seeking, with all speed and diligence, 
for men to accompany him on this voyage, both such as in- 
tend to try their fortunes with him, and others also. Indeed, 
a *ter attentively considering the whole matter, and taking the 
advice of men, distinguished for their experience and wisdom, 
he has now weighed with great care all the advantages 
as well as disadvantages which have hitherto advanced or 
hindered other colonies; and found nothing which does not 

1 The grant of the province of Maryland was made to Lord Baltimore by 
Cha -les L, king of Englai.d. It was named in honor of the queen, Henrietta 
Mara. 



6 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [16; 

tend strongly to confirm him in his design, and promise hm. 
the most prosperous success. For both the writings which 
his most noble father has left behind him — an eye-witness, 
reliable and worthy of all credit — and the constant reports 
of those men who come to us every day from that country, 
or places not far from it; and besides, the very faithful ac- 
count written and published by Captain Smith, who first 
discovered the country — what he says of the fertility and ex- 
cellence of its soil is truly wonderful and almost incredible — - 
add to these also the unanimous agreement and testimony of 
numberless men, living here in London, who formerly came 
from those countries, and intend to return there; and who, 
with one voice, verify and confirm what Smith has written. 

Wherefore the Most Noble Baron intends, by the aid of 
God, to sail for those parts, about the middle of next Septem- 
ber; and to those whom he shall find to accompany and assist 
him in so glorious an undertaking, he offers many induce- 
ments, in the most generous and liberal spirit. 

Of which this is the first and most important, (to say 
nothing of those rewards of station and preferment, which will 
be liberally given in honor of worth, valor, fortitude and noble 
deeds), that whoever shall pay a hundred pounds, 1 to carry 
0Yer five men, (which will be enough for arms, implements, 

thing and other necessaries) ; Jvhether they shall think best 

join us themselves, or intrust the men and money to those, 
who shall have charge of this matter, or to any one else, to 
take care of them and receive their share of the lands :'L to all 
the men so sent, and to their heirs forever, shall be allotted 
the right to two thousand acres of good land. Besides this, 
if in the first expedition they prove themselves faithful fol- 
lowers, and do good service, they shall receive no small share 
in the profits of trade — of which hereafter — and in other priv- 
ileges:' concerning which they will be more fully informed, 
when they come to the aforesaid Baron. Moreover, as to 
what was said before concerning a hundred pounds, this shall 
also be understood, in proportion, of a smaller or larger sum 
of money, whether given by one man, or contributed and 
furnished by several together. 

The first and most important design of the Most Illustrious 

1 See Conditions of Plantation, p 91, infra. 



1633] LORD BALTIMORE'S COLONY 7 

Baron, which also ought to be the aim of the rest, who go in 
the same ship, is, not to think so much of planting fruits and 
trees in a land so fruitful, as of sowing the seeds of religion and 
piety. Surely a design worthy of Christians, worthy of angels, 
worthy of Englishmen. 1 The English nation, renowned for 
so many ancient victories, never undertook anything more 
noble or glorious than this. Behold the lands are white for 
the harvest, prepared for receiving the seed of the Gospel 
into a fruitful bosom. The Indians themselves are every- 
where sending messengers, to seek after fit men to instruct 
the inhabitants in saving doctrine, and to regenerate them 
with the sacred water. There are also men here in the city, 
at this very time, who declare that they have seen ambassa- 
dors, who were sent by their kings 2 for this same purpose to 
Jamestown in Virginia; and infants brought to New England 
to be washed in the saving waters. Who then can doubt, 
that by one such glorious work as this, many thousands of 
souls will be brought to Christ? I call the work of aiding 
and saving souls glorious: for it was the work of Christ, the 
King of Glory. For the rest, since all men have not such en- 
thusiastic souls and noble minds, as to think of nothing but 
divine things, and to consider nothing but heavenly things; 
because most men are more drawn, secretly or openly, by 
pleasures, honor and riches, it was ordained by the wonder- 
ful wisdom of God, that this one enterprise should offer to 
men every kind of inducement and reward. 

It is acknowledged that the 'situation of the country is ex- 
cellent and very advantageous, as it extends to the 38th or 
40th degree of north latitude, and is in location and climate 
not unlike Seville, Sicily, Jerusalem, and the best parts of 
Arabia Felix and China. The climate is serene and mild, not 
oppressively hot like that of Florida and old Virginia, nor \ 
bitterly cold like that of New England; but preserves, so to \ 
speak, a middle temperature between the two, and enjoys the 

1 The Latin text reads dignum angelis, dignum anglis (McL Hist. Soc. Fund 
Pub. no. 7, p. 47), in allusion to the words attributed to the Pope Gregory the 
Great, uttered more than one thousand years before at the sight of certain blond 
English youths, captives exposed for sale in Rome: — "Non Angli sed Angeli." 
The play upon words is necessarily lost in translation. 

1 For explanation of this and corresponding titles of rank, see pp. 84, 125. 



8 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633 

advantages, and escapes the evils, of each. On the east it is 
washed by the ocean; on the west it borders upon an almost 
boundless continent, which extends to the Chinese Sea. It 
has two very large arms of the sea, both of them bays abound- 
ing in fish. One of these, named the Chesa-peack, is twelve 
miles wide, and spread out between two districts, runs from 
south to north a hundred and sixty miles. It is navigable 
for large ships, and is interspersed with various large islands 
suitable for grazing; and at these islands can be caught, in 
the greatest abundance, the fish called .shad. 

The other they call the Dilaware, 1 in which cod-fish are 
caught all the year round; but the most convenient time to 
catch them is in the colder months, for the warm weather in- 
terferes with salting them. Now this great abundance of 
fish arises from the following cause: the wind, which uni- 
formly blows from the Canaries, from the north-east, drives 
the water of the ocean, and with it the fish, into the Gulf of 
Mexico; from which, since there is no escape for it either to 
the east or the south, it is driven with great force towards the 
north, and carries with it large numbers of fish along the 
shores of Florida, Virginia, Maryland and New England. 
These, flying from the larger fish, take refuge in shallow places, 
'vhere they are more easily caught by the fishermen. 

There are various notable rivers. The chief of these they 
cJl the Attawomech, 2 a navigable river running eastward 
140 miles, where there is such a lucrative trade with the 
Indians, that a certain merchant in the last year exported 
beaver skins to the value of 40,000 gold crowns, and the profit 
of the traffic is estimated at thirty fold. 

On the plains and in the open fields there is a great abun- 
dance of grass; but the country is, for the most part, thickly 
wooded. \ There are a great many hickory trees, and oaks so 
straight and tall that beams, sixty feet long and two and a half 
feet wide, can be made of them. The cypress trees also grow 
to a height of 80 feet, before they have any branches, and 
three men with arms extended can barely reach round their 
trunks. There are plenty of mulberry trees to feed silk- 
worms. The Chinese grain which the Portuguese call Sove 
del' Hierva is also found there. • There are alder, ash and chest- 

1 Delaware. * Potomac. 



1633] LORD BALTIMORE'S COLONY 9 

nut trees, as large as those which grow in Spain, Italy, and 
France; and cedars equalling those which Libanus boasts of. 

Why should I speak of the pine, laurel, fir, sassafras and 
the other trees, with various kinds besides, which yield bal- 
sam and fragrant gums? trees usefuHn every way, for build- 
ing, ship-building, for making planks, pitch, tar, turpentine, 
sinegma, perfumes, and plasters. \Tne woods moreover are 
passable, not filled with thorns or undergrowth, but arranged 
by nature for pasture for animals, and for affording pleasure 
to man. There are fruitful vines, from which wine can be 
made, and a grape as large as cherries, the juice of which is 
thick and oily. The inhabitants call these Mesamines. There 
are cherries as big as damsons, and gooseberries just like ours. 
There are three kinds of plums. Mulberries, chestnuts and 
walnuts, are so plentiful that they are used in various ways 
for food. Strawberries and raspberries are also to be found 
there. 

Of the fishes the following kinds are already known : stur- 
geons, turciones (?), seals (?), aristoci, shrimps, skates, trouts, 
three kinds of melanurae, (black-tailed perch), erechini, roaches, 
white salmon, mussels, periwinkles, and numberless others of 
that sort, the names and species of which are unknown. 

For the rest, there are such numbers of swine and deer 
that they are rather an annoyance than an advantage. There 
are also vast herds of cows, and wild oxen, fit for beasts of 
burden and good to eat, besides five other kinds of large ani- 
mals unknown to us, which the neighboring people use for 
food. Sheep, as well as asses and mules, have to be procured 
either from our country or from the Canaries. 

The nearest woods are full of horses and wild bulls and 
cows. Five or six hundred thousand of the skins of these 
animals are carried every year to Seville, from that part of 
the country which lies westward towards New Mexico. Any 
number of wild goats can be procured from the neighboring 
people. Add to these muskrats, ciuri, beavers, foxes, mar- 
tens and weevils [weasels], which do not destroy hens and 
eggs as ours do. Among the birds are found a very ravenous 
eagle, various kinds of birds of prey, which live, for the most 
part, on fishes, and partridges no larger than quails, but in 
almost endless numbers. 



10 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633 

There are also great quantities of wild turkeys, which are 
twice as large as our tame and domestic ones. There are 
blackbirds too, and thrushes, and many and various kinds of 
small birds, some red, and some blue, etc., etc. In the winter, 
there are plenty of swans, geese, cranes, herons, ducks, kir- 
thei, glauci (birds of a green color), parrots, and a great many 
others, unknown in our country/; The best of citrons and 
quinces grow there. Peaches also are so abundant, that an 
honorable and reliable man positively declared, that he gave 
a hundred bushels to his pigs last year? Why should I speak 
of the excellent lupines, beans, roots, and other things of that 
kind? For even the peas in those parts grow ten inches long 
in ten days. It is such a good grain country, that, in the 
worst years, the seed yields two hundred fold; at other times, 
and generally, for one grain, five or six hundred, and in the 
best years, fifteen or sixteen hundred; and this too in one 
harvest, while the soil is so rich, as to afford three harvests a 
year. 

It is probable that the soil will prove to be adapted to all 
the fruits of Italy, figs, pomegranates, oranges, olives, etc; — 
to pass over the rest briefly. There is no lack of those things 
that can be made useful to fullers and apothecaries, and no 
small supply of tin, iron, hemp and flax. There is also hope 
of finding gold, for the neighboring people wear bracelets of 
gold, which indeed is as yet unwrought, and long strings of 
pearls. It is also to be expected that the provident indus- 
try and long experience of men will discover many other 
advantages and sources of wealth. 



INSTRUCTIONS TO THE COLONISTS BY 
LORD BALTIMORE, 1633 



INTRODUCTION 

Lord Baltimore's letter of instructions to the colonists 
of Maryland is printed from an original manuscript now in the 
possession of the Maryland Historical Society, having been ac- 
quired by it among a large collection of Calvert Papers ob- 
tained by the society in 1888 from a descendant of the last 
Lord Baltimore. This document is specially valuable as dis- 
closing the mind, purpose and character of Cecilius Lord 
Baltimore, the founder of Maryland, for it is an autograph, 
written entirely by his own hand, with his own interlinea- 
tions and corrections. An endorsement shows it to be a copy 
of the letter delivered to the commissioners for the govern- 
ment of the province. It is without doubt the original draft 
of the instructions which was probably transcribed in a fair 
hand or engrossed for signature. 

It is noteworthy that in the very first paragraph dispute- 
concerning religion are prohibited — thus showing the determi- 
nation of Lord Baltimore, himself a Roman Catholic, that 
upon this subject there should from the beginning be both 
liberty and peace within the province. 1 His loyalty to the 
crown is shown by his insistence upon the taking of the 
oath of allegiance to the King as an absolute condition for 
permission to settle in the colony and enjoy the benefits 
offered 2 to the colonists. 

The sailing which had been planned for September 3 did not 
occur until November, the delay being chiefly caused by the 
efforts of members of the old Virginia Company, the charter 
of which had been annulled, to defeat Lord Baltimore's en- 
terprise altogether. For this reason he too was prevented 

1 See p. 250, infra. 2 See p. 91, infra. 3 See p. 6, supra. 

13 



14 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

from carrying out his intention of personally accompanying 
the colonists, finding it necessary, as he states in the letter, to 
remain in England in order to defend his charter rights. 
This fact also explains the careful instructions given to the 
commissioners to ascertain what persons had sought to incite 
mutiny among the sailors before departure, and the cautions 
to avoid anchoring under the guns of the fort at Point Com- 
fort, (where Fort Monroe now stands); to inquire into the 
disposition of the more influential settlers in Virginia; to do 
what they could with prudence to oblige members of the 
Council there; but otherwise to have as little to do with them 
as possible during the first year. 

This first company of colonists was composed of two classes: 
the gentlemen adventurers who went out to take up lands 
and become, under the Conditions of Plantation, 1 lords of 
manors; and the indentured servants. 2 Of the former, the 
ruling class, the large majority was of the Roman Catholic 
faith; of the latter, the majority was Protestant, and these 
being the more numerous, the larger number of the whole 
ship's company was of the latter faith. That among the gen- 
tlemen adventurers there were some who were conformable 
to the Church of England is shown by the fact that from their 
number were to be chosen messengers, the one to convey let- 
ters, including one from the King, to Sir John Harvey, gov- 
ernor of Virginia, and the other to convey letters to Captain 
William Claiborne, who had established a trading-post on Kent 
Island and who, claiming prior possession, was during a long 
life Lord Baltimore's untiring antagonist. Obviously the 
persons to be selected for these important and delicate mis- 
sions were not servants. 

The remainder of the instructions, as to place of settle- 
ment, mode of building fortifications, planting of corn, train- 
ing of the men in military discipline, and inquiry as to the 

1 See p. 91, infra. 2 See pp. 99, 100, infra. 



1633] LORD BALTIMORE'S INSTRUCTIONS 19 

conformable unto the Church of England, w th a message also 
from them to him if it be not inserted in their letter w ch is 
better, to invite him kindly to come unto them, and to signify- 
that they have some buisness of importance to speake w th 
him about from his L opp w c . h concernes his good very much; 
And if he come unto them then that they use him courteously 
and well, and tell him, that his L opp understanding that he 
hath settled a plantacion there w th in the precincts of his L opps 
Pattent, wished them to lett him know that his L opp is willing 
to give him all the encouragement he cann to proceede; And 
that his L opp hath had some propositions made unto him by 
certaine m r chants in London who pretend to be partners w th 
him in that plantation, (viz) Mf Delabarr, M r Tompson 
M r Cloberry, M T . Collins, and some others, and that they de- 
sired to have a grant from his L opp of that Hand where he is: 
But his L opp understanding from some others that there was 
some difference in partnershipp between him and them, and 
his L opp finding them in their discourse to him, that they 
made somewhat slight of Cap: Clayborne's interest, doubted 
lest he might prejudice him by making them any grant his 
Lo pp being ignorant of the true state of their buisness and of 
the thing they desired, as likewise being well assured that by 
Cap: Clayborne his care and industry besides his charges, 
that plantation was first begunn and so farr advanced, was for 
these reasons unwilling to condescend unto their desires, and 
therefore deferred all treaty w th them till his Lo pp could 
truly understand from him, how matters stand between them, 
and what he would desire of his L opp in it, w ch his Lo pp 
expects from him; that thereupon his L opp may take it into 
farther consideration how to do justice to every one of them 
and to give them all reasonable satisfaction; And that they 
assure him in fine that his L opp intends not to do him any 
wrong, but to shew him all the love and favor that he cann, 
and that his L opp gave them directions to do so to him in his 
absence; in confidence that he will, like a good subject to his 
ma tie , conforme himself to his higness gratious letters pat- 
tents granted to his Lo p ? s whereof he may see the Duplicate 
if he desire it together w th their Commission from his L opp . 
If he do refuse to come unto them upon their invitation, that 
they lett him alone for the first yeare, till upon notice given 



20 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633 

to his L opp of his answere and behaviour they receive farther 
directions from his L opp ; and that they informe themselves 
as well as they cann of his plantation and what his designes 
are, of what strength and what Correspondency he keeps w^ 
Virginea, and to give an Account of every particular to his 
L opp . 

6. That when they have made choice of the place where 
they intend to settle themselves and that they have brought 
their men ashoare w th all their provisions, they do assemble 
all the people together in a fitt and decent manner and then 
cause his ma ties letters pattents to be publikely read by his 
L opps Secretary John Bolles, and afterwards his L opps Com- 
mission to them, and that either the Governor or one of the 
Commissioners presently after make some short declaration to 
the people of his L opps intentions w ch he means to pursue in 
this his intended plantation, w ch are first the honor of god 
by endeavoring the conversion of the savages to Christianity, 
secondly the augmentation of his ma tie ' s Empire and Do- 
minions in those parts of the world by reducing them under 
the subjection of his Crowne, and thirdly by the good of such 
of his Countreymen as are willing to adventure their fortunes 
and themselves in it, by endeavoring all he cann, to assist 
them, that they may reape the fruites of their charges and 
labors according to the hopefulnes of the thing, w* h as much 
freedome comfort and incouragement as they cann desire; 
and w th all to assure them, that his L opps affection and 
zeale is so greate to the advancement of this Plantation and 
consequently of their good, that he will imploy all his en- 
deavors in it, and that he would not have failed to have come 
himself in person along w th them this first yeare, to have 
beene partaker w th them in the honor of the first voyage 
thither, but that by reasons of some unexpected accidents, 
he found it more necessary for their good, to stay in England 
some time longer, for the better establishment of his and 
their right, then it was fitt that the shipp should stay for him, 
but that by the grace of god he intends w th out faile to be 
w th them the next year: And that at this time they take oc- 
casion to minister an oath of Allegeance to his ma*! 6 unto all 
and every one upon the place, after having first publikely in 
the presence of the people taken it themselves; letting them 



1633] LORD BALTIMORE'S INSTRUCTIONS 21 

know that his Lo pp gave particuler directions to have it one of 
the first things that were done, to testify to the world that 
none should enjoy the benefitt of his ma ties gratious Grant 
unto his L opp of that place, but such as should give a pub- 
lique assurance of their fidelity and allegeance to his ma*! 6 . 

7. that they informe themselves what they cann of the 
present state of the old Colony of Virginea, both for matter of 
government and Plantacon as likewise what trades they drive 
both at home and abroade, who are the cheife and richest 
men, and have the greatest power amongst them whether 
their clamors against his Lo p ? s pattent continue and whether 
they increase or diminish, who they are of note that shew 
themselves most in it, and to find out as neere as they cann, 
what is the true reason of their disgust against it, or whether 
there be really any other reason but what, being well exam- 
ined proceedes rather from spleene and malice then from any 
other cause; And to informe his L opp exactly what they 
understand in any of these particulers. 

8. That they take all occasions to gaine and oblige any of 
the Councell of Virginea, that they shall understand incline to 
have a good correspondency w^ his L opps plantation, either 
by permission of trade to them in a reasonable proportion, 
w th in his L opps precincts, or any other way they can, so it be 
cleerely understood that it is by the way of courtesy and not 
of right. 

9. That where they intend to settle the Plantacon they 
first make choice of a fitt place, and a competent quantity of 
ground for a fort w th in w ch or neere unto it a convenient 
house, and a church or a chappel adjacent may be built, for 
the seate of his L opp or his Governor, or other Commissioners 
for the time being in his absence, both w c . h his Lo pp would 
have them take care should in the first place be erected, in 
some proportion at least, as much as is necessary for present 
use though not so compleate in every part as in fine after- 
wards they may be and to send his L opp a Piatt of it and of 
the scituation, by the next oportunity, if it be done by that 
time, if not or but part of it nevertheless to send a Piatt of 
what they intend to do in it. That they likewise make choise 
of a fitt place neere unto it to seate a towne. 

10. That they cause all the Planters to build their houses 



22 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633 

in as decent and uniforme a manner as their abilities and 
the place will afford, and neere adjoyning one to an other, 
and for that purpose to cause streetes to be marked out where 
they intend to place the towne and to oblige every man to 
buyld one by an other according to that rule and that they 
cause divisions of Land to be made adjoyning on the back 
sides of their houses and to be assigned unto them for gar- 
dens and such uses according to the proportion of every ones 
building and adventure and as the conveniency of the place 
will afford w ch his L°? p referreth to their discretion, but is 
desirous to have a particuler account from them what they 
do in it, that his Lo pp may be satisfied that every man hath 
justice done unto him. 

11. That as soone as conveniently they cann they cause 
his L op ? s surveyor Robert Simpson to survay out such a pro- 
portion of Land both in and about the intended towne as like- 
wise w th in the Countrey adjoyning as wilbe necessary to be 
assigned to the present adventurers, and that they assigne 
every adventurer his proportion of Land both in and about 
the intended towne, as alsoe w th in the Countrey adjoyning, 
according to the proportion of his adventure and the condi- 
tions of plantacion propounded by his Lo pp to the first ad- 
venturers, w ch his L opp in convenient time will confirme unto 
them by Pattent. And heerein his L opp wills his said Gov- 
ernor and Commissioners to take care that in each of the 
aforesaid places, that is to say in and about the first intended 
Towne and in the Countrey adjacent they cause in the first and 
most convenient places a proportion of Land to be sett out for 
his L opps owne proper use and inheritance according to the 
number of men he sends this first yeare upon his owne ac- 
count; and as he alloweth unto the adventurers, before any 
other be assigned his part; w th w ! 1 (although his Lopp might 
very well make a difference of proportion between himself 
and the adventurers) he will in this first colony, content him- 
self, for the better encouragement and accomodation of the 
first adventurers, unto whom his L opp conceive himself more 
bound in honor and is therefore desirous to give more satisfac- 
tion in everything then he intends to do unto any that shall 
come heereafter. That they cause his Lo pp8 survayor like- 
wise to drawe an exact mapp of as much of the countrey as 



1633] LORD BALTIMORE'S INSTRUCTIONS 23 

they shall discover together w th the soundings of the rivers 
and Baye, and to send it to his L opp . 

12. That they cause all the planters to imploy their ser- 

^vants in planting of sufficient quantity of corne and other 
provision of victuall and that they do not suffer them to 
plant any other commodity whatsoever before that be done 
in a sufficient proportion w ch they are to observe yearely. 

13. That they cause all sorts of men in the plantation to 
be mustered and trained in military discispline and that there 
be days appoynted for that purpose either weekely or monthly 
according to the conveniency of other occasions; w ch are duly 
to be observed and that they cause constant watch and ward 
to be kept in places necessary. 

14. That they informe themselves whether there be any 
convenient place w th in his L opps precincts for the making of Salt, 
whether there be proper earth for the making of saltpeeter 
and if there be in what quantity; whether there be probabil- 
ity of Iron oare or any other mines and that they be carefull to 
find out what other commodities may probably be made and 
that they give his L opp notice together w th their opinions of 
them. 

15. That In fine they bee very carefull to do justice to 
every man w th out partiality, and that they avoid any occasion 
of difference w th those of Virginea and to have as litle to do 
w th them as they cann this first yeare that they connive and 
suffer litle injuryes from them rather then to engage them- 
selves in a publique quarrell w th them, w ch may disturbe the 
buisness much in England in the Infancy of it. And that they 
give unto his Lo pp an exact account by their letters from time 
to time of their proceedings both in these instructions from 
Article to Article and in any other accident that shall happen 
worthy his Lo p ? s notice, that thereupon his L opp may give 
them farther instructions what to doe and that by every 
conveyance by w ch they send any letters as his Lo pp would not 
have them to omitt any they send likewise a Duplicate of the 
letters w ch they writt by the last conveyance before that, 
least they should have failed and not be come to his Lo p ? 3 
hands. 



A BRIEFE RELATION OF THE VOYAGE UNTO 
MARYLAND, BY FATHER ANDREW WHITE, 

1634 



INTRODUCTION 

This version of the Relation of the Voyage to Maryland is 
from an original manuscript in English in the possession of 
the Maryland Historical Society by which it was acquired in 
1894, and published in 1899, in a volume entitled Calvert 
Papers no. 3, Fund Publication no. 35. This manuscript 
was sent by Leonard Calvert, brother of Lord Baltimore, 
and first governor of the province of Maryland, to his partner 
in business, Sir Richard Lechford. It was enclosed in a letter 
dated from Point Comfort, May 30, 1634, a little more than 
two months after the landing of the colonists at St. Mary's, 
and was despatched by the Ark, in which those colonists were 
conveyed, upon the return voyage of that vessel. 

There is a Latin version of the Relatio Itineris in Mary- 
landiam, known as Father Andrew White's Narrative, in the 
Archives of the Society of Jesus ("Angl. Histor.," IV. 413- 
440). A copy of this, together with an English translation, 
was published by the Maryland Historical Society in 1874, 
Fund Publication no. 7. This Latin text is undoubtedly the 
record of the report of the voyage, rendered by Father White, 
who accompanied the colonists, and was the first Superior of 
the Maryland Mission, to the General of the Society at Rome. 

The two versions, the Latin and the English, differ but 
little, the former being more full in some particulars, while 
in others the latter is more amplified. The chief points of 
contrast are, that in the Latin, devout expressions and ac- 
knowledgments of Divine favor and protection are more fre- 
quent, as would be natural in a letter addressed by a priest 
to his spiritual superior; and in the English the description of 
the climate, the soil, and the products of the earth are more 

27 



28 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

full, as would be natural in & letter intended for the informa- 
tion of those pecuniarily or personally interested in the colony. 
The narrative of events is the same in each. 

Leonard Calvert, the governor, describes the English manu- 
script as having been written by "a most honest and discreet 
gentleman." It is safe to attribute its authorship to Father 
White. It has been conjectured, and not without reason, 
that he probably kept an exact journal of the voyage, from 
which he was able to draw for material in writing reports, 
expanding or condensing, according to the occasion and the 
purpose of the letter. Leonard Calvert's letter enclosing it 
contains some of the language of the narrative; but he prob- 
ably had it before him as he wrote. 

The English version, as an historical document, has the 
advantage over the Latin text, that it is an original manu- 
script, whereas the latter is known only at second hand, 
through its record in the Jesuit Archives. 

The substance of this narrative was printed in pamphlet 
form in London in 1634 under the title A Relation of the Success- 
ful Beginnings of the Lord Baltimore's Plantation in Maryland, 
and was reprinted in 1865 from an original in the British 
Museum, in Shea's Early Southern Tracts, being no. 1 of that 
series. 

A translation of the Latin text, made by the late N. C. 
Brooks, LL.D., was published with one of the " Account" of 
Maryland in 1847, 1 and with it reprinted in Force's Tracts, 
IV., no. 12. The Latin text was printed in 1872, in the Wood- 
stock Letters, with a revision of Dr. Brooks's translation, for 
the use of members of the Society of Jesus. The original 
text is also given in Father Thomas Hughes's History of the 
Society of Jesus in North America, Documents, L, pt. I., 94. 

C. C. H. 

1 See p. 4, supra. 



A BRIEFE RELATION OF THE VOYAGE UNTO 
MARYLAND, BY FATHER ANDREW WHITE, 

1634 1 

«l On S* Cecilias day, the 22 of November 1633 with a 
ntle Northerne gale we set saile from the Cowes about 10 
in the morninge, toward the needles, being rockes at the south 
end of He of Wight, till by default of winde we were forced to 
ankour at Yarmouth, w ch very kindly saluted us, how beit we 
were not out of feare, for the seamen secretly reported that 
they expected the post with letters from the Counsell at Lon- 
don: but God would tende the matter, and sent th* night soe 
strong a faire winde as forced a ffrench barke from her ankor 
hold driveing her foule upon our pinnace forced her to set 
saile with losse of an ankour, and take to Sea, that being a 
dangerous place to floate in, whereby we were necessarily to 
follow, least we should part companie, and thus God frus- 
trated the plot of our Seamen. This was the 23 of Novemb: 
on S* Clements day who wonne his Crowne by being cast into 
the Sea fastned to an ankor. That morneing by 10 a clocke 
we came to Hurste Castle, and thence were saluted with a shot, 
and soe passed by the dangerous needles, being certaine sharpe 
rockes at the end of the Hand, much feared by Seamen for a 
double tyde which she carried to Shipwrecke, tone upon the 
rockes, t- other upon the sand. 2 I omitt our danger passed 
Yarmouth, where by dragging anchour in a strong winde and 
tide we almost runne of our shipp a ground. 

All this Saturday and the night following the winde served 
us so well, that next day by 9 of Clocke we got beyond the 
westerne Cape of England, and so steered along not soe strong- 
ly as wee might because of our pinnace slow saileinge, whome 

1 The original manuscript is not divided into paragraphs and contains but 
little punctuation. The beginnings of sentences are not even marked by capital 
letters. The punctuation and capitalization of this text are such as the sense 
requires. 2 "The one upon the rocks, the other," etc. 

29 



30 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633 

we feared to leave behinde, for feare shee might meet w th 
Turkes or some other pirates though we see none. By this 
meanes a faire shipp of London overtooke us of 600 tunne. 
Here we had a greate recreation to see that ship and ours runne 
for the fame with all the cloath they could make, an howers 
space with faire winde and weather, and pleasant sound of 
trumpetts, but ours gave the other a topsaile and yet held 
with her. This done we stroke one course of our sailes, and 
staied for our pinnace, which was farre short of us, and the 
Draggon, for soe shee was called, runne from us out of sig^ 
that evening. 

Soe all Sunday and Munday the 24 th and 25 th of Novemb: 
we sailed afore the winde, till night, when the winde changed 
to Northwest so violent, and tempestuous, as the Dragon was 
forced backe to ffamouth, 1 not able to keep the sea, being yet 
not to goe southwest, but right south to Angola, and our pin- 
nace mistrusting her strength came up to us to tell that if shee 
were in distresse shee would shew two lights in her shroodes. 
Our master was a very sufficient seaman, and shipp as strong 
as could be made of oake and iron, 400 tunne, kingbuilt : make- 
inge faire weather in great stormes. Now the master had his 
choise, whether he would returne England as the Draggon did, 
or saile so close up to the winde, as if he should not hold it he 
must necessarily fall upon the Irish shoare, so infamous for 
rockes of greatest danger: of these two, out of a certaine har- 
dinesse and desire to trie the goodnesse of his shipp, in which 
he had never beene at Sea afore, he resolved to keep the sea, 
with great danger, wanting Sea-roome. The winde grew still 
lowder and lowder, makeing a boysterous sea, and about mid- 
night we espied our pinnace with her two lights, as she had 
forewarned us, in the shroodes, from w ch time till six weekes, 
we never see her more, thinkeing shee had assuredly beene 
foundred and lost in those huge seas, but it happened other- 
wise, for before shee came to the Irish Channel!, where we 
were now tossinge, shee returned for England, and entered 
into the Scilley lies, whence afterward in the Dragons Com- 
pany shee came to the long reach 2 and Canarie lies, God pro- 
viding a convenient guard for that small vessell. 

1 Falmouth. 

2 The long stretch of open sea from the Canaries to the West Indies. 



1633] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 31 

This night thus frightfull being past, the winde came about 
to South west, full against us, though not very stronge, so 
that with many tackes about we scarce crept on our way, soe 
all the 26 27 and 28 dayes the winde altered little. On the 
29 th the windes were all day a gathering and toward night 
poured forth such a sea of winde as if they would have blowen 
our shipp under water at every blast. All next day beinge the 
blessed apostle S* Andrewes day, the like cloude gathered in 
fearefull manner, terrible to the beholders, so that ere it began 
to blow it seemed all the sprightes and witches of Maryland 
were now set in battaile array against us. This evening the 
master saw the sunne fish to swimme against the sunnes course, 
a thing evidently shewing fearfull stormes to come: about 10 
in the night a blacke cloud shede a pittifull shower upon us, 
and presently such a furious winde followed as wee were able 
to beare noe cloath at all, and yet before we could take in our 
maine Course, 1 w ch we onely carried, a furious impression of 
winde suddainely came, and splitt it from top to toae, and cast 
one part of it into the sea. This amazed the stoutest hearte, 
even of the sailours, who confessed they had seene ships cast 
away with lesse violence of weather, all the Catholiques fell to 
praier, Confessiones, and vowes, and then the helme being 
bound up, and ship left without saile or government to the 
windes and waves, floated at hull like a dish till god were 
pleased to take pittie upon her. Thus we were in feare of im- 
minent death all this night never lookeing to see day in this 
world, till at length it pleased God to send some ease, and by 
little and little still more, till we were with milder weather 
freed from all those horrours. This deliverie in a manner 
assured us of Gods mercy towards us, and those infidells Con- 
version of Maryland, his holy Goodness be forever praised, 
Amen. 

From this time to our journey es end, about 3 monethes, we 
had not one howre of bad weather, but soe prosperous a navi- 
gation, as our mariners never saw so sweet a passage : when I 
say 3 months, I meane not we were so long at sea but reckon 
the time spent at Barbadoes and S* Christophers, for we 
were at sea onely 7 weekes and 2 daies, w ch is held a speedy 
passage. From this time all alonge the Spanish Coast we had 

1 Mainsail. 



32 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633 

nor good, nor very bad windes, in w ch time we looked for 
Turkes but saw none, it seemes they were returned home to 
celebrate their Tamisom, 1 a great feast which happeneth about 
that time. After we had passed the Straits-mouth 2 and the 
Maderas, and now went full afore the winde, which is here 
trade, and ever constant on one point of the Compasse, still 
servinge for south and Southwest, as we sailed we made 3 
ships bigger then ours, 3 leagus west from us, labouring as we 
imagined towards us. We feared the might be turkes, and 
therefore made readie for fight, neither wanted some who im- 
prudently wished the master to make towards them, but he 
answered he could not justifie that to the owners of the ship, 
and indeed he might well have found a hard bargaine of it. 
Happily they were Canarie merchants and feared us as we 
them. 

In the long reach we feared nought but Calmes, which 
sometimes held a fortnight or 3 weekes together, and starve 
men, but this happens not above once in an age. There are 
often tedious stayes for fault of winde, but when it comes it 
is ever the same for our way. We sailed 3000 miles in this 
reach in a sea of milke without any calme in the dead of winter, 
where we had every as hote, as the hotest day of summer in 
England, so that in summer tis intolerable for heat, where I 
see that diligentibus Deum omnia cooperantur in bonum, 3 for if 
we had not had those Crosses, rubbs, and difficulties before 
our comeing forth, we had got the hote weather which had 
doubtlesse cost most of our lives. From our setting forth till 
Christmas day our sickenesse onely sea-sicknesse, then indeed 
for the celebrity of the daye wine being given over all the ship, 
it was soe immoderately taken as the next day 30 sickened of 
fevers, whereof about a dozen died afterward amongest which 
one Catholique venturer, M r Nicholas ffarefax, and one very 
faithfull servant of my L rde named M r Barefoot. 

Some curiosities we see in our way, as flieinge fishes, w ch 
use their finnes as well to flie as swimme. They are of the 

1 Presumably Ramazan is meant, the month of Mohammedan fasting. In 
the Latin text of this Relation it is called " solemne jejunium," a solemn fast. 
Md. Hist. Soc., Calvert Papers, no. 3, p. 11. 

^ Of Gibraltar. 

» " All things work together for good to them that love God." Rom. viii. 28. 



1633] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 33 

bignesse of sparling fish or great smelt very dainty for meat. 
Some of them as they rise in hundreds pursued by the dolphins 
fell into our ship, being not able to flie above two or three acres, 
when their finnes being dried, they must neede dippe them 
into the water to flie a fresh againe. After we came within 21 
and some odd minutes of the Aquinoctiall, where begins the 
tropicke, we saw the tropicke bird, bigge as falcons, with 2 white 
feathers in their traines and noe more. Whether they alwaies 
keep in the aire, or sometimes rest on the water I know not. 

When we had passed the Canaries our governour begunne to 
bee sollicitous for fraight homeward, fearinge we should come 
to late for it to Virginia, and likewise that the Virginians wd 
stand but our heavie freinde, though the could perhaps fur- 
nish us in that kinde. After talke had with the commission- 
ers and gentlemen, resolution was made to beare up to Bona- 
vista directly south, and an Hand right against Angola, on the 
Coast of Affrique 14 degrees from the line 1 whither the Hol- 
lander since the losse of S* Martines useth to goe for salt, 
thence carrieing it to Newfoundland to make fish. This Hand 
abounds with goats, haveing in it none inhabitantes but some 
40 or 50 Portingalls banished thither for crimes committed by 
them. Both the salt for fraight and goates for fresh food 
invited us thither, though if the yeare were wet, as it had 
beene the yeare afore, noe salt can be made. 

We had not gone full 200 miles, when the Commissioners 
seeing all the commodity redounded to my L rd , and that their 
land provision was like to be spent by this circuit, caused the 
governour to question the purser what provision of bread was 
aboard, and findeing it short we altered againe our course to 
S* Christophers, and soe began to thinke at what season we 
were like to come to Maryland, and how we should procure 
our seed corne. As for Virginia we expected little from them 
but blows, although we carried the kings letters to their 
Governour, and the governour himselfe much esteemed and 
loved my L rd , yet wee feared he could or would doe us little 

1 Boavista, the easternmost of the Cape Verde Islands, in 16° N. lat., is doubt- 
less meant. These islands lie directly off the coast of Senegambia; but the 
name Angola was formerly applied in a general way to a much larger portion 
of the west coast of Africa than that to which it is now limited. The Dutch 
lost St. Martin, W. I., in 1633. 



34 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

good being overawed by his councell. As for the Salvages we 
expected to finde them as our English ill wishers would make 
them, and therefore affraid to build all the weale of our plan- 
tation on these peradventures, resolution was made for the 
Barbadoes, the granarie of all the Charybbies lies, which how 
be it it was somewhat about for corne was the surest course. 

In this Hand Mf Hierom Hawley his brother was gover- 
nour, 1 and in his absence M r Piers his brother in law was 
deputie. 2 Here we arrived Januar: the 3 hopeinge for some 
refreshinge by convenient good dyet some few dayes, but in 
part we were deceived for every thing bore so high price, that 
nothing could be had, but it Cost us our eies. A pigge six 
weekes old was at 5 1 sterling a turke 50 s and a chicken at 6?. 
Beefe or mutton they have none, and the inhabitants live 
wholy upon poane (that Indian bread) and homine, and po- 
tato roote which they have in such plentie as they will give 
Cart loades to almost any for the fetching. The governour 
told us at first, corne was at I s the bushell, but understanding 
that we came for corne he called a Counsell and decreed there 
should none be sould us under 2 s a bushell, and soe we found 
him a kinde kinsman of M r Hawleyes. Other poore passages 
we had from [him] not worth recountinge. 

At our arrivall here we understood the Spanish fleet was 
at Bonavista to hinder all strangers from salt, and it being 
beyond the tropicke to make prize of them here, therefore we 
admired the providence of god in protecting us from that 
danger: but from a farre greater at Barbadoes. The very 
day we arrived, we found the Hand all in armes to the number 
of about 800 men. The servants of the Hand had conspired 
to kill their masters and make themselves free, and then 
handsomely to take the first ship that came, and soe goe to sea. 
This first ship was ours and therefore it was the goodnesse of 
god to discover the treason by a servant who was affraid to 
Joine in the plott with them. The ringleaders were 2 brothers 
named Westons, Westerne men, whereof one was put to death 
but the other saved by means of friends, God be praised for 
this our deliverance. 

1 Captain Henry Hawley, governor of Barbadoes 1630-1640. 
3 Richard Peers was deputy-governor. In some texts the name has been 
misread "Acers." 



1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 35 

This is one of the 12 Charybbian Hands which runne up 
like a bow in the baye of Mexico, some 30 miles long, and 15 
broad, 13 degrees from the line. The clime is so hote as 
being now winter they can endure to weare noe more then a 
shirt, a pare of linneing drawers and linnen stockings on 
them. That time their corne was newly reapt. They use noe 
bede, but onely hamachoes 1 which are curious blankets of fine 
cotton neatly wrought and painted on the outside, and hung 
up a yard or lesse from ground by a rope at each end fastned to 
two posts when they goe to rest, and on the day time taken 
away, and carried about with them when they travaile. 

Here are many things as well profitable for trade, as full of 
content to behold. Their trade is chiefely in corne and cotton, 
which cotton it delighted us much to see grow upon trees in 
such plentie. The cotton tree is not much higher then a 
barbara bush, but more treelike. It beares a little bude in 
bignesse like a wallnut, which at full time opening in the 
middle into fower quarters, their appeares a knot of cotton 
white as snow, with six seede in the middle of the bignesse of 
vetches which with an invention of wheeles they take out and 
soe keep it till the merchants fetch it from them. Here is a 
cabbage growes on a tree 180 foot high to be eaten raw or 
boiled. The stalke of it is for one yard from top good meat, 
to be eaten raw with pepper. It is in tast like the Spanish 
Cardo but sweeter. The tree beares but one yearely, and in 
wood is onely a leguminous substance. Here are also foxe- 
berrie trees, high as ash, the berrie is of bignesse of a hazell 
nut with an unctuous skin or cover which washeth scoureth 
and laddereth passing well, but is (as they say) somewhat too 
strong for fine linnen. Of these I found and carried a num- 
ber to Maryland, and have them now in the ground. 

There is another tree called palm Christi, with a spongious 
stalke. It beares a great thorny cluster of ash-coloured seede 
speckled with blacke whereof is made an excellent oyle. 
Oranges, lemmons, limes, pomegranade, peaches and such 
other fruite there are but not in any great plentie as yet; an- 
other fruit I saw called guaveos, in taste like quinches, in 
colour like gould, in figure like the smallest lemmons, a fruit 
very gratefull to taste. Another there is like unto these called 

1 Bed; hammocks. 



36 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

Papares, 1 over sweet and luscious, which they use to eat boiled 
with other meate. 

But the rarest of all other that I thinke is in the world, is 
the Charybbian Pineaple, of the colour of gould, mixed with 
an orient greene, bigge as three Spanish pineaples, and of the 
same figure externall to the eie, save that the worke of this is 
more perfect. It is not hard to peele, but of softe and thinne 
skinne, of delitious taste not haveing one membranula or ker- 
nell, but all, from highest part to lowest, cleane through equally 
dainty to taste. It beares in the toppe a Crowne of its owne 
leaves curiously compacte, and well it may, for sure it is the 
queene of all meat fruits without exception. The taste, as 
neere as I can expresse it, is an Aromaticall compound of wine 
and strawberries, and a better thing then this of Soveraigne 
efficacy to preserve health, and so well tempered to mans 
bodie as though it would consume a knife put thereing any 
time. There is nothing more restoritive. It growes from a 
thing like a Spanish thistle, one onely on every roote, but the 
leafe hath noe prickles, but a curious peake about its edges. 
In fine I wish one of them in your hande with this paper, for 
nothing can express it but it selfe. 

There is another speciall fruit called a plantaine, singular 
for pleasant and delightfull tast, fructus platani as in latine 
they terme it. The tree is but a leguminous substance, to the 
night and thicnesse of a tree of thicknesse of ones thigh. 
The leaves which are onely in the toppe for its ribbats are 
commonly a yard or more in length, and more than a quarter 
brood decently seamed with veines runneing like ribbs from 
the thicke in the middle as from the backe bone. It growes 
as high as a Cherry tree. In the top from the very middle 
pith springeth a purple sheath like a sugar loafe full of blos- 
somes, which with its weight turnes the head downward and 
then comes thereon the fruit in a cluster like an hundred cu- 
cumbers together, but being ripe yellow coloured and some- 
what bigger. They are of curious taste like Marmalate and 
much of that temper, very delightfull, fit to preserve, bake, 
or eat rawe. The potato root is of the very same colour 
skinne and figure of artichooke rootes, but in taste and temper 
much like a carrot, but farre more excellent. Here is the 

1 Papayas. 



1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 37 

Cinnamon tree, the Avalto tree, the rope tree, which from the 
top sendeth out long suckers, which take root in the ground 
and so spread over large places, the wilde figge tree, the Maw 
forest tree which is poison, the monkey tree bearing fruit, a 
plaine and perfect munkeys face, and many others. 

Foule I see little, save some few pigeons, stocdoves, and 
some others. Vines will not grow there. The place is a 
plaine ground, growne over w th trees and undershrubs without 
passage, except where the planters have cleared. Some few 
Catholiques there be both English and Irish. 

Here we staied from January 3 to the 24* by which meanes 
we came to enjoy againe our pinnace, w ch not knowing of our 
comeing was guided, to our soe great comfort as if that day we 
had beene revived to life againe : for before we saw her in the 
harbour we gave her for lost in that hideous storme. Herein 
gods mercy was shewed towards us, and noe lesse again in 
staying us here till the Spanish ships, in number five, were gone 
out of our way: for soe it happened, five great Spanish men of 
warre came to scoure the Charybbian Coaste, and make prize 
of whomsoever they saw saile, beyond the grave Meridian or 
tropicke: and had beene those very dayes before S* Christo- 
phers, where findeing 2 small english barkes, and 2 or 3 
great Hollanders guarded with a man of warre, by way of 
Salve gave them a peece of ordinance, or two, (unwilling to 
wrong the priviledge of that permisshend plantation, to which 
they had given time till one halfe years end to be gone and 
provide them elsewhere, or else to expect blowes to enforce 
them; this plantation was once afore destroied by the Span- 
iard, save some few hidden in the mountaines, by whome 
with much miserie the place was againe restored.) The hol- 
land man of warre for his salute returned a bullet, and weigh- 
ing anchour made to sea, to enter fight, and withall engaged 
the 2 English barkes to doe the like. Of those five English 
and Hollands, onely 2 had ordinance ; but the Spaniards each 
about 30 brasse peeces. The manner of this feight I know 
not, but in fine all runne away except the man of warre, who 
either fired her selfe or sunke when she could hold out no longer, 
for she cannot be heard of. If we had come the whilest, tis 
like enough we had beene to forward with the rest, haveing so 
perfect a ship soe well gunn'd and man'd, and whether we had 



38 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

wonne or lost, our ship had certainly spoiled for saile til she 
had been repared. But god who endeavoreth the spirituall 
good of Maryland preserved us from danger, Protector noster et 
merces nostra magna nimis. 1 

The 24 th of January we weighed from Barba : and by noone 
next day made S* Lucia's, one [of] the Charybbies, divided in it 
selfe, the servants (being Negroes) against the Salvage mais- 
ters. Then about 4 in the evening we came before Matilena 2 
where we came to ankor, and 2 Canowes of starknaked Indians 
came paddleing aboard us, with parvats, pumpkins, calla- 
bashes, bonana's, muskmellons, watermellons and the like to 
exchange with us. They much feared at first the greatnesse of 
our ship, and though we put out a white flagge of peace, yet 
they desired we would put forth our nations proper colours, 
which done, they perceived whence wee were, and then boldly 
came aboard. This people is bigger than ours, and fatt and 
tawney coloured with ointments and oiles wherew th they be 
painted. Something wee trucked with them, as knives, bells 
and the like: and so they returned, saieing if we would ride 
there till morneing they would bring better trucke, as ham- 
machoes, baskets and the like. They are a fierce nation, 
feeding on mans flesh, w th out all knowledge of god, and have 
heretofore cut of some English enterprisers. The Hand is all 
a hill, yet wonderfull fruitfull and norishing. It is the serious 
report of seamen, upon report of a ffrench wrecke, that here 
hath beene seene the Carbuncle, haveing in his head a pre- 
tious stone, light as a glowinge coale, of infinite valew; ffides 
sit penes autorem. 3 

Next morning by dawneing of the day we made Guadelupe 
an He so called for the similitude it hath with Guadelupe of 
Spaine, mountainous, almost as the other. By noone we 
came before Monserat, where is a noble plantation of Irish 
Catholiques whome the Virginians would not suffer to live 
with them because of their religion. Thence next morne- 

1 "Our protector and our exceeding great reward." Gen. xv. 1. 

2 Martinique, called by the natives Madiana. 

3 "Let the teller of the tale be responsible for it." The reference is probably 
to the fable that 

"the toad, ugly and venomous, 
Wears yet a precious jewel in his head." 



1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 39 

ing wee came to Mae vis, 1 an Hand infamous for agues by 
reason of the bad aire; here haveing staied a day, next 
morninge we came to S* Christophers hard by, where we 
staied 10 dayes, nobly enterteined by S? Thomas Waroner, 
governour, 2 Captaine Jefferson, leiuetennant Coronell, by 2 
Catholiques Capt: Caverley and Capt. Pellam, and my selfe 
in particular by the governour of the ffrench Colonie in the 
same Hand. 3 Here is beside all the varities of Barbadoes, a 
hill of brimstone and much more to be admired, here is also 
the virgin plant, or Parthenia, w c . h they terme the sensible tree, 
which after the least touch of ones hand I see fall downe with- 
ered, and then againe revived after a little space. Here is 
the locust tree which I supposed to be that whereon S* John 
Baptist lived in the wildernesse. It is high as an elme, soe 
loved of bees as they build their Combes on it. I have seene 
and tasted the honnie, then w c . h settinge aside the name wilde, 
there is none purer of taste and colour, the fruit is also called a 
locust, haveing a hard sheath as bigge as six beane codes, con- 
teineing in it a tough substance in taste like meale and honny, 
with fower or 5 seedes of colour and greatnesse like chestnut. 
Some of them we have planted. 

From this place we came to Virginia ffebruary the 27 th , 
much contrary to My L rds instructions. 4 We expected here 
every hower to be staied by the Councell, desireing noethinge 
more then our ruine. At this time Captaine Claborne was 
there from whome we understood the Indians were all in 
armes to resist us, having heard that 6 Spanish ships were a 
comeing to destroy them all. The rumour was most like to 
have begunne from himselfe. We had the kings letters, and 
my Lord treasurers 5 to the governours, which made him shew 
to us the best usage the place afforded, with promise to fur- 
nish us with all manner of Provistions for our plantation though 
much against his Councells will, not doubting I suppose to re- 
ceive noble gratification from my L r f by whose helpe he hoped 
to recover a great summe of money due to him out of the ex- 
chequer. Here we staied 8 or 9 daies not w^out imminent 
daunger, under Commande of the Castle, and then on the 3 of 

1 Nevis. 2 Sir Thomas Warner, governor from 1625 to 1649. 

3 From 1625 to 1713 part of the island of St. Christopher was occupied by the 
French. « See pp. 17, 23, supra. 5 The Earl of Portland. 



40 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

March came into Chesapeake bay, at the mouth of Patomecke. 
This baye is the most delightfull water I ever saw, between 
two sweet landes, with a channell 4 : 5 : 6 : 7 : and 8 fathoms 
deepe, some 10 leagues broad, at time of yeare full of fish, yet it 
doth yeeld to Patomecke, w c - we have made S* Gregories. This 
is the sweetest and greatest river I have seene, so that the 
Thames is but a little finger to it. There are noe marshes or 
swampes about it, but solid firme ground, with great variety 
of woode, not choaked up with undershrubs, but commonly 
so farre distant from each other as a coach and fower horses 
may travale without molestation. 

At our first comeing we found (as we were told) all in 
armes; the king of Pascatoway had drawne together 500 bow- 
men, great fires were made by night over all the Country, and 
the biggnesse of our ship made the natives reporte, we came in 
a Canow as bigg as an Hand, with so many men, as trees were 
in a wood, with great terrour unto them all. Thus we sailed 
some 20 leagues up the river to Herne-Iland, so called for in- 
finite swarmes of hemes 1 thereon. This we called S* Clements, 2 
here we first came ashoare; here by the overturning of a 
shallop we had allmost lost our mades which wee brought 
along. The linnen they went to wash was much of it lost, 
which is noe small matter in these partes. The ground is 
heare, as in very many places, covered with pokiberries, (a 
little wilde walnut hard of shell, but with a sweet kernell) 
with ackhornes, black walnut, cedar, saxafras, vines, sallad- 
herbes, and such like. It is not above 400 acres, and therefore 
too little to seat upon for us: therefore they have designed it 
for a fort to Command the river, meaneing to raise another on 
the maine land against it, and soe to keep the river from for- 
raigne trade, here being the narrowest of the river. , 

In this place on our b : Ladies day in lent, 3 we first offered, 
erected a crosse, and with devotion tooke solemne possession 
of the Country. Here our governour was advised not to settle 
himself e, till he spoake with the emperour 4 of Pascatoway, 

1 Herons. 

5 Now called Blackiston's Island. Thomas, Chronicles of Colonial Mary- 
land, pp. 13, 14. 

8 March 25, 1634. "Offered" means "offered the sacrifice of the mass." 
* See pp. 126, 131, infra. 



1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 41 

and told him the cause of his comeing (to wit) to teach them a 
divine doctrine, whereby to lead them to heaven, and to enrich 
with such ornaments of civill life as our owne country abounded 
withall, not doubting but this emperour beinge satisfied, the 
other kings would be more peaceable. With this intention he 
tooke our pinnace and went therein higher up the river. In 
their way they found still all the Indians fleede from their 
houses; till comeing to Patomecke towne, he found there the 
king 1 thereof a Childe, governed by Archihoe, his uncle. 
Here, by an Interpretour, they had some speech with Archi- 
hoe, a grave and considerate man, and shewed his errours 
in part unto him, which he seemed to acknowledge, bidding 
them all very welcome. They could proceed but little with 
him in matters of religion, their interpretor being a protes- 
tant of Virginia, but promised shortly to returne to him, some 
one or other; which he desired they would and promised they 
should have the best entertainment they could make them 
and his men should hunt and fish for them, and he and they 
would devide what soever they got, being (as they all generally 
be) of a very loveing and kinde nature. 

ffrom here they went to Pascatoway, the seat of the 
Emperour, where 500 bowmen came to meet them at the water 
side. Here the Emperour, lesse feareing then the rest came 
privately aboard, where he found kind usage, and perceiveing 
we came with good meaneing towards them, gave leave to us 
to sett downe where we pleased. The king being aboard, his 
men by the water side feared some treason, till by interpre- 
tours we assured them otherwise. In this journey our gov- 
ernour tooke Captaine Henrie ffleet, and his 3 barkes, who had 
beene a firebrand to inflame the Indians against us. This 
Capt: brought aboard our shipp accepted of a proportion in 
our beaver trade, for to serve my Lord, excellent in language, 
love, and experience with the Indians, most of all other. 
Thus he remained, untill haveing talked with Claborne, another 
of our chiefe enemies, he revolted, and leaveing us went againe 
and traded with out leave, and got that time above 200 skins, 
and as we feared incensed the Indians against us; yet first he 
had brought us to as noble a seat as could be wished, and as 
good ground as I suppose is in all Europe. 

x See pp. 84, 125, infra. 



42 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

Whilest our governour was abroad, the Indians began to 
loose feare and come to our coart of guarde, and sometimes 
aboard our shipp, wondering where that tree should grow, 
out of which so great a canow should be hewen, supposing it 
all of one peece, as their canows use to be. They trembled 
to heare our ordinance thinking them fearefuller then any 
thunder they had ever heard. 

The governour being returned from Pascatoway, by ffleets 
directions, we came some 9 or 10 leagues lower in the river 
Patomecke, to a lesser river on the north side of it, as bigge as 
Thames, which we call S fc Georges. This river makes 2 excel- 
lent bayes, wherein might harbour 300 saile of 1000 tunne a 
peece with very great safetie, the one called S* Georges bay, 1 
the other, more inward, S* Maries. On the one side of this 
river lives the king of Yoacomaco, on the other our planta- 
tion is seated, about halfe a mile from the water, and our 
towne we call S* Maries. 

To avoid all occasion of dislike, and Colour of wrong, we 
bought the space of thirtie miles of ground of them, for axes, 
hoes, cloth and hatchets, which we call Augusta Carolina. It 
made them more willing to enterteine us, for that they had 
warres w th the Sasquasahannockes, who come sometimes 
upon them, and waste and spoile them and their country, for 
thus they hope by our meanes to be safe, God disposeing 
things thus for those which were to come to bring the light of 
his holy law to these distressed, poore infidels, so that they 
doe indeed like us better for comeing so well provided, assuring 
themselves of greater safety, by liveing by us. Is not this 
miraculous, that a nation a few daies before in generall armes 
against us and our enterprise should like lambes yeeld them- 
selves, glad of our company, giveing us houses, land, and live- 
ings for a trifle. Digitus dei est hie, 2 and some great good is 
meant toward this people. Some few Indians are here to stay 
by us till next yeare, and then the land is wholy to be ours 
alone. 

The natives of person be very proper and tall men, by 
nature swarthy, but much more by art, par ling themselves 
with colours in oile a darke read, especially about the head, 

1 Afterward called St. Inigo's Creek. 

2 "This is the finger of God." Ex. viii. 19. 



1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 43 

which they doe to keep away the gnats, wherein I confesse 
there is more ease then honesty. 1 As for their faces they use 
sometimes other colours, as blew from the nose downeward, 
and read upward, and sometimes contrary wise with great 
variety, and in gastly manner. They have noe bearde till 
they be very old, but insteed thereof sometimes draw long 
lines with colours from the sides of their mouth to their 
eares. They weare their [hair] diversly some haveing it cut 
all short, one halfe of the head, and long on the other; others 
have it all long, but generally they weare all a locke at the left 
eare, and sometimes at both eares which they fold up with a 
string of wampampeake or roanoake about it. Some of their 
Caucorouses 2 as they terme them, or great men, weare the 
forme of a fish of Copper in their foreheads. They all weare 
beade about their neckes, men and women, with otherwhiles 
a haukes bill or the talents of an eagles or the teeth of beasts, 
or sometimes a pare of great eagles wings linked together and 
much more of the like. Their apparell is deere skins and other 
furrs, which they weare loose like mantles, under which all 
their women, and those which are come to mans stature, 
weare perizomata 3 of skins, which keep them decently cov- 
ered from all offence of sharpe eies. All the rest are naked, and 
sometimes the men of the younger sort weare nothing at all. 

Their weapons are a bow and a bundle of arrowes, an ell 
long, feathered with turkies feathers, and headed with points 
of deeres homes, peeces of glasse, or flints, which they make 
fast with an excellent glew which they have for that purpose. 
The shaft is a small cane or sticke, wherewith I have seene 
them kill at 20 yards distance, little birds of the bignesse of 
sparrows, and they use to practise themselves by casting up 
small stickes in the aire, and meeting it with an arrow before 
it come to ground. Their bow is but weake and shoots level 
but a little way. They daily catch partridge, deere, turkies, 
squirrels and the like of which there is wonderfull [plenty?], but 
as yet we dare not venture ourselves in the woods to seeke 
them, nor have we leasure. 

Their houses are built in an halfe ovall forme 20 foot long, 
and 9 or 10 foot high with a place open in the top, halfe a 

1 Honesty in the now obsolete sense of seemliness. 

2 See p. 84, infra. ' Girdles. 



44 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

yard square, whereby they admit the light, and let forth the 
smoake, for they build their fire, after the manner of ancient 
halls of England, in the middle of the house, about which 
they lie to sleep upon mats, spread on a low scaffold hafe a 
yard from ground. In one of these houses we now doe cele- 
brate, 1 haveing it dressed a little better then by the Indians, 
till we get a better, which shall be shortly as may be. 

The naturall wit of these men is good, conceiveing a thing 
quick to. They excell in smell and taste, and have farre 
sharper sight than we have. Their diett is poane, made of 
wheat, and hominie, of the same with pease and beanes to- 
gether, to which sometimes they add fish, foule, and venison, 
especially at solemne feasts. They are very temperate from 
wines and hote waters, and will hardly taste them, save those 
whome our English have corrupted. For chastity I never see 
any action in man or woman tendinge to soe much as levity, 
and yet the poore soules are daily with us and bring us turkie, 
partridge, oisters, squirells as good as any rabbit, bread and 
the like, running to us with smileing countenance and will 
help us in fishing, fouling, hunting, or what we please. 

They hold it lawful to have many wives, but all keep the 
rigour of conjugall faith to their husbands. The very aspect 
of the women is modest and grave ; they are generally so noble, 
as you can doe them noe favour, but they will returne it. 
There is small passion amongst them. They use in discourse 
of great affaires to be silent, after a question asked, and then 
after a little studdie to answere in few words, and stand 
constant to their resolution. If these were once christian, 
they would doubtlesse be a vertuous and renowned nation. 
They exceedingly desire civill life and Christian apparrell 
and long since had they beene cloathed, had the covetous 
English merchants (who would exchange cloath for nought 
but beaver, which every one could not get) held them from 
it (God forbid we should do the like). 

As for religion we neither have language as yet to finde it 
out, nor can wee trust therein the protestant interpretours. 
M r Altham 2 hath writ somethin thereof, w ch himself e can 
witnesse; and likewise M r Thorowgood, who drives trade 
with the Indians. They acknowledge one god of heaven, 

1 Celebrate the mass. a Father John Altham, S. J. 



1634] FATHER WHITE'S BRIEFE RELATION 45 

whome they call our god, and crie a 1000 shames on those that 
so lightly offend soe good a god, but give noe externall hon- 
nour to him But use all their might to please an Okee which sig- 
nifies a frantique spirit, for feare of harme from him. I heare 
also, they adore wheat and fire, as gods very beneficiall to 
mans nature. In the Matchcomaco, or temple of the Pa- 
tuxans, this ceremonie was seene by our traders; at a day 
appointed the townes about mett together, and built a great 
fire, then standinge all about the same, lifted up their hands 
to heaven Crieing Taho Taho, after this was brought forth a 
bagge of Poate, 1 which is their tobacco, with a great tobacco 
pipe, and carried about the fire, a young man following it, 
crieing Taho Taho, with great variety of gesture of body, this 
done they filled the pipe, and gave to every one a draught of 
smoake from it which they breathed out on all parts of their 
bodies, as it were to sanctifie them to the service of their god. 
This is all I can say, save that we perceive they have notice 
by tradition of Noah his flood. Wee have not beene above 
one moneth Conversant amongest them and therefore must 
reserve further particulars to the next ship. 

I will end therefore with the soyle, which is excellent so 
that we cannot sett downe a foot, but tread on Strawberries, 
raspires, fallen mulberrie vines, acchorns, walnutts, saxafras 
etc: and those in the wildest woods. The ground is com- 
monly a blacke mould above, and a foot within ground of a 
readish colour. All is high woods except where the Indians 
have cleared for corne. It abounds with delicate springs 
which are our best drinke. Birds diversely feathered there 
are infinite, as eagles, swans, hemes, geese, bitters, duckes, 
partridge read, blew, partie coloured, and the like, by which 
will appeare, the place abounds not alone with" profit, but also 
with pleasure + 

Laus Deo 

'Spelled Potu in the Latin version. Md. Hist. Soc, Fund Publication 
v^ no. 7, p. 42. See p. 136, infra. 



EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF CAPTAIN 
THOMAS YONG TO SIR TOBY MATTHEW, 

1634 



INTRODUCTION 

The letter of Captain Thomas Yong to Sir Toby Matthew 
was written from Jamestown, Virginia, in July, 1634. It 
was published in volume IX. of the fourth series of the Col- 
lections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, in Weston's 
Documents connected with the History of South Carolina, and 
again in Streeter's Papers relating to the Early History of 
Maryland, but the original manuscript is in the Virginia State 
Library. It is written in a hand very difficult to decipher, 
which is said to have led to some inaccuracies in the former 
publications. Special care has been taken by collating with 
the original manuscript, to make the following text an accu- 
rate reproduction of the original. 

Captain Yong, as the letter shows, was in chief command 
of certain trading vessels sailing together to Maryland. Sir 
Toby Matthew was the son of an Anglican bishop of Durham 
and archbishop of York, but had become reconciled to the 
Roman Catholic Church. He was a schoolmate and life-long 
friend of George, the first Lord Baltimore (father of Cecilius), 
and one of the witnesses to his will. 

. This letter is specially valuable as giving us, from the 
hand of one who had no interest in the matters in controversy, 
except such as arose from a feeling of loyalty to his employers, 
evidence as to the early features of the long contention be- 
tween Lord Baltimore and William Claiborne concerning 
Kent Island in Maryland. Captain Yong appears, to have 
talked with those interested on both sides of the controversy, 
and to have reported faithfully the information and impres- 
sions received. 

49 



50 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

The careful directions which Lord Baltimore gave to his 
brother, Leonard Calvert, and the other commissioners for the 
founding of Maryland, as to their negotiations with Claiborne, 
and the terms to be offered to him for conducting trade with 
the Indians under license from the proprietary government, 
are contained in Lord Baltimore's Letter of Instructions to 
the Colonists (p. 19, supra). 

As references to this controversy in its various stages occur 
in several of the documents printed in this volume, a brief 
statement of the grounds of dispute, inserted here, will afford 
a better understanding of the subject. 

The territory of Maryland was originally included in the 
grant to the old Virginia Company, the northern boundary 
of which touched the southern boundary of New England. 
But the charter of that company having been annulled in 1624, 
the grant to it had become void, and this territory, in which 
no private titles had been created, was again at the disposal 
of the Crown. 

In June, 1632, the King, Charles I., made a grant, under 
the name of Maryland, of the territory lying between the 
Potomac River and the fortieth degree of north latitude to 
Cecilius Lord Baltimore, as absolute lord and Proprietary. 
He was thus constituted both lord of the soil and political 
ruler. 1 

Shortly prior to this grant to Lord Baltimore, William 
Claiborne, who was a member of the Council of Virginia, had 
established a post for trading with the Indians in peltries, etc., 
upon Kent Island, which lay within the boundaries of Mary- 
land as defined in its charter. 

Upon the establishment of his government in Maryland, 
Lord Baltimore sought to obtain from Claiborne recognition 
of his title, promising to him authority to trade under his 
license. This Claiborne refused to accept, claiming proprie- 

1 See charter, p. 103, infra. 



INTRODUCTION 51 

tary rights in Kent Island. Upon investigation it proved that 
what he had was merely a license, dated in 1631, from Sir 
William Alexander, Secretary of State for Scotland, to trade 
with New England and Nova Scotia, 1 and no grant of land 
whatever. 

In the preamble to the Charter of Maryland it is recited 
that Lord Baltimore had sought leave to transport a colony 
to a region hitherto uncultivated 2 (hactenus inculta) and 
partly occupied by savages. While the grant itself of the ter- 
ritory described is absolute in terms, it was maintained by 
Claiborne that the words hactenus inculta showed that there 
was no intention to grant any land already occupied by English 
colonists, and that Kent Island having been occupied by him 
prior to the date of Lord Baltimore's patent was excluded from 
its operation. It is to be noted that the grant of Maryland 
was sought by and promised to George Lord Baltimore, who 
had visited Virginia and the Chesapeake Bay in 1629, and at 
that time there was no settlement at Kent Island. By reason 
of the death of the first Lord Baltimore shortly before the 
charter of Maryland was signed, the grant was actually made 
to Cecilius, his son and successor in title. 

Claiborne addressed a petition to the King setting forth 
his claims and grievances, which was referred to the Lords 
Commissioners of Plantations, who rendered their decision in 
April, 1638, 8 in favor of Lord Baltimore, holding that the lands 
in question belonged absolutely to him, that no trade or 
plantation should be allowed within their limits without his 
permission, and that, with regard to the violences complained 
of, the parties should be left to their remedies at law. 

There had been both violence and strife over the posses- 
sion of Kent Island, and contests with bloodshed both on land 

1 Archives of Maryland, III. 19, 20. 

2 Rendered "not yet cultivated and planted" in the version of the charter 
contained in this volume (p. 101). 

s Archives of Maryland, III. 71. 



52 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

and water. Finally Governor Calvert succeeded in obtaining 
the submission of the settlers upon the island and the recog- 
nition by them of the authority of the Proprietary. 1 But the 
strife went on and Claiborne continued for many years to take 
advantage of every disturbance in the colony or of political 
change in England, to reassert his claims, and to seek the de- 
feat of Lord Baltimore's grant. 

Captain Yong's letter discloses the temper in which the 
controversy was conducted at the beginning of negotiations 
between the parties. 

C. C. H. 

1 See p. 152, infra. 



EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF CAPTAIN 
THOMAS YONG TO SIR TOBY MATTHEW, 

1634 

. . . the third of July towards sunsett we arrived between 
the Capes wch are called Cape Charles and Cape Henry. 
About one of the clock we came to an Anchor, the tide being 
spent, within three miles of Point Comfort, wch is some 
seven leagues from the Capes and lieth upon the very mouth 
of James River (whereon standeth a new erected fort, wch 
commandeth that river). 

All my men in my owne ship are, God be praysed, in very 
good health, tho' my Vice Admirall hath bene shrewdly visited 
with a pestilentiall feavor, whereof about 60 have bene sicke 
and twelve dead thereof, but they are now most of them re- 
covered. 

As soone as we were now come to an anchor we descried 
a small barke coming out from Point Comfort, wch bare wth 
us, and about half an hower after she came to an Anchor 
cloase aboard o r vice admirall. We thought she had bene 
some vessell bound from Virginia to New England, whither 
the Inhabitants of Virginia drive a great trade for Indian 
Corne. I sent my Leiutenant aboard her to enquire whence 
she was and whither she was bound, and withall to learne 
what he could both concerning the State of Virginia and 
Maryland, wch is my Lord of Baltimores Collony, as likewise 
on what tearmes those two Collonyes were, and what corre- 
spondence they had one wth another and wth the Indians 
also. When he came aboard he found this Barke to be a 
vessell of Virginia belonging to one Captayne Cleyborne, who 
liveth upon an Island within my Lord of Baltimores Territory 
called the He of Kent. But the Captayne was gone aboard 
o r vice admirall, and thither my Leiuetenant went to him. 
Where after salutations and some discourse passed to and fro, 

53 



54 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

they fell in talke concerning my Lord of Baltimores Company, 
who arrived heere in March last. He discovered that there 
was growne great discontents between my Lords company 
and him wch he seemed to excuse as well as he could though 
even by some words that now and then fell from him unawares 
my Leiuetenant saith a man might read much malice in his 
heart towards them. After some two houres, my Leiuetenant 
brought Captayne Cleyborne wth him aboard my ship where 
he remayned till the morning. 

By him I understand that the Governour of Virginia, S r 
John Harvie, had bene in Maryland at the Plantation there 
wch is called S* Maries, there to have heard and composed 
the differents which were growne between those of my Lords 
Collony and this Cleyburnes; and that, that night he was ar- 
rived at Point Comfort: That in his company also were 
Captayne Calvert Governour of Maryland, Captayne Corne- 
wallis, M r Hawley, 1 and other principall gentlemen of Mary- 
land, and that they were come thither purposely for the com- 
posing of those differents, but that he for his part purposed 
not to be there, but to retire himself to his own Plantation, 
under pretence that he went thither to take order for the se- 
curing thereof against certayne Indians, who had lately as he 
understood killed a man and a Boy of his, but I playnly per- 
ceaved that the principall and mayne reason of his retreat 
was to absent himself from that meeting. I found the man 
subtle and fayre spoken but extreamely averse from the pros- 
perity of that Plantation. He alleaged that my Lords com- 
pany had accused him to the Governour of Virginia for 
animating, practizing and conspiring wth the Indians to sup- 
plant and cutt them off: that the Governour had appointed 
certayne comm rs of this Collony to joyne wth certayn other 
Comm" of my Lords Collony to examine the truth of that ac- 
cusation and that upon their information he purposed to pro- 
ceed herein according to Justice. That accordingly they had 
examined the matter and had found no grounds for those ac- 
cusations and so he conceaved that the purpose of their 
comming was now only to make a reconciliation, but that for 
his part he purposed not to be there. On the other side, he 

1 Thomas Comwallis and Jerome Hawley, commissioners for governing the 
province of Maryland. See Lord Baltimore's instructions, p. 16, supra. 



1634] LETTER OF CAPTAIN YONG 55 

pretended that heeretofore he had borne very good corre- 
spondense with them and that he had furnished them with 
hoggs and other provisions and done them what curtesies were 
in his power, till my Lords people had given directions for the 
taking and surprizing his boates, that went to trade, and like- 
wise of his owne person. After wch discourse he parted from 
me, telling me, though I perceaved afterwards he ment it not, 
he would meet me at Point Comfort, but he came no more to 
me. The next morning I weighed as soone as the tide served 
and about eleven of the clocke I came to an anchor within 
Point Comfort, where now I ride. Heere I understood that 
the Governor was hard by, and as soone as I had fitted my 
dress I tooke boate with intention to have awaited upon the 
Governor on shoare, but as soone as I was in my boate I de- 
scried his Barge on the River making towards our shipp, soe 
I stood in wth him to meet him, but he perceaving me row 
towards him stood towards my vice admirall, whither also I 
stood and gott into the ship before him, who as soone as he 
perceaved me aboard presently entered therein. After I had 
saluted him he was pleased to treat me wth much curtesy and 
great affection; to whome I presented his Ma ties l res [letters]. 
After he had read them, he assured me that he would in all 
things most willingly and observantly obey his Ma ties com- 
mands, wch I have also found him most effectually and affec- 
tionately observe, on all occasions, wherein I had cause to re- 
quire his assistance. 

In his company, of my Lord of Baltimores Plantation, I 
mett only wth Captayne Cornewallis, (for Captayne Calvert 
fell si eke by the way, and returned,) who was come thither 
purposely to meet wth Cleyborne, whom I mentioned before. 

After some time I took Captayne Cornewallis aside and 
told him what discourse had passed between Cleyborne and 
me. He answered me that this Cleybourne had dealt very 
unworthyly and falsely with them. That he had also labored 
to procure the Indians to supplant them by informing them 
that they were Spaniards and that they had a purpose to de- 
stroy them and take their Country from them. That the 
Indians had a purpose to have attempted it, had they not 
bene dissuaded by one Captayne Fleet, 1 who had in former 

1 See p. 41, swpra. 



56 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

times lived amongst them, and is now in good creditt wth 
them. That Cleyborne had contrived divers other malitious 
plotts and conspiracies against them. That some others also 
of the principall Councellors of Virginia might justly be sus- 
pected to have animated Cleyborne to his foule practises. 
That his conspiracy and practises was proved against Cley- 
borne, both by the confession of the Indians and likewise by 
the confession of Christians taken upon oath. That he him- 
self publikely protested that if my lords plantation should 
surprize or take any of his boates, he would be revenged though 
he joined with the Indians in a canoa. That heerupon the 
Governour of Maryland complayned thereof to S r John Harvie, 
the Govern 1 of Virginia, who forthwth tooke the matter into 
his consideration. Upon hearing the accusation of the one 
and the defence of the other, it was ordered that Cleyborne 
should remayne confined in the hands of one Captayne Mat- 
thews and Captayne Utie, 1 two councellors of State in Virginia, 
though both of them private friends to Cleyborne, whome he 
ordered to keep Cleyborne from any conferences or messages 
to the Indians, and that they two should forthwith, taking 
Cleyborne along with them, repaire to my Lords Plantation 
in Maryland, where also two Com 1-3 , namely Captayne Corne- 
wallis and M r Hawley, chosen for that Colony, should be 
joined with them, and that they should take on both sides in- 
terpreters and from thence goe in company together to the 
Indians and examine the truth of this examination, but that 
Cleyborne was not to be present at the examination. And 
that they should make a true relation of the state of the buis- 
iness to the two Governo rs who would expect them in this 
plantation at Maryland. But precisely and expressly order- 
ing them that they should be carefull in no case to suffer any 
conference to be had wth the Indians, on either side, either 
directly or indirectly. 

But these two Captaynes, taking along with them Cley- 
borne, went towards Maryland, not with any purpose (as it 
afterwards appeared by the sequelle) to comply with the 
Governors order of Virginia, having subtlely and sinisterly 
inveigled into their company two very yong gentlemen of my 

1 Samuel Mathews and John Utie. In reference to Mathews see pp. 59, 61, 
infra. In 1635 they led in the deposition of Governor Harvey. 



1634] LETTER OF CAPTAIN YONG 57 

Lords Collony (whereof the one was a younger Brother 1 of my 
Lords, the other of S r John Winters), wth faire words, finding 
them in a joviall humor, perswaded them to accompany them 
to the examination of these Indians, and so taking these for my 
Lord Com rs , instead of going to my Lords plantation at Mary- 
land or giving any notice of their arrivall in those parts, they 
take this advantage and, with these young gentlemen wch 
themselves tooke and chose in place of Comm srs , they goe di- 
rectly to the Indians, taking with them also Cleyborne and 
a servant of his for their Interpreter, and there, in the pres- 
ence of Cleyborne, examine the Indians upon such Articles 
and with such Intergatories as they thought would best serve 
for Cleybornes advantage, using also the helpe of the Inter- 
preter to frame such answerres from the Indians as would best 
suit with their purpose. When they had done they putt this 
examination in writing, and after they had themselves signed 
it, they procured also these two young gentlemen to putt 
their hands also thereunto as taken before them. 

This examination they sent to my Lords plantation at 
Maryland by one of the Councell of Virginia, for I should have 
told you that there went also two other Councello ra of Virginia 
with them (who went without or rather contrary to the order, 
only to countenance the carriage of this plott the better) to 
my Lords plantation at Maryland (where all this while both 
the Governo rs remayned expecting their coming) and in his 
company came also one of the Indian Kings called the King of 
Pattuxunt, procured by them to come thither to Justine the 
truth and impartiality of their proceedings, Laboring by their 
indirect proceeding to cleerr Cleyborne from his crimes and also 
to incense and exasperate the Indians both against my Lords 
people and against those other Christians also who had in- 
formed them thereof, suggesting and intimating to them that 
my Lords were turbulent people, who cared not what false, 
pretenses and suggestions they framed to deprive others of 
their estate, wch it was evident they labored to wring out of 
the hands both of Indians and Christians also, that so in 
Fine they might become Lords of that Country. The Gov- 

1 George Calvert. He accompanied the first colonists to Maryland, but ap- 
pears shortly afterward to have removed to Virginia. He does not figure in 
Maryland history. 



58 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

ernor of Virginia not finding himself well intreated by them 
returned to Virginia, where he made account to finde them 
expecting him, as they sent him word by the messenger I spake 
of before, they would at Kecoughtan, 1 but when he came 
thither he found them all gone, soe as he could at that time 
doe nothing therein. But he had appointed them a new time 
for their appearance at James Towne. 

Concerning his complaint that my Lords company would 
have surprized his boates and him, Capt e Cornewallis told 
me that Cleyborne had bene offered all faire correspondence, 
with as free liberty to trade as themselves, but he refused it, 
wherefore the Governor gave order to forbid him to trade. 
That concerning the surprizall of his person (though his car- 
riage towards them very well deserved it) yet it was only a 
meere supposition and jealousy of his owne, without any 
grounds. 

This, so farre as I can learne, is the true state wherein my 
Lord of Baltimores plantation stands wth those of Virginia, 
wch perhaps may prove dangerous enough for them if there 
be not some present order taken in England for the sup- 
pressing the insolence of Cleyborne and force his complines 2 
and for disjoynting this faction, wch is soe fast linked and 
united as I am perswaded will not by the Governor be easily 
dissevered or over ruled with[out] some strong and powerful 
addition to his present authority by some new power from 
England, and it will be to little purpose for my Lord to pro- 
ceed in his colony against which they have so exasperated and 
incensed all the English Colony of Virginia as heere it is ac- 
counted a crime almost as heynous as treason to favor, nay 
allmost to speak well of that Colony of my Lords. And I have 
observed myself a palpable kind of strangenesse and distance 
between those of the best sort in the country who have for- 
merly bene very familiar and loving one to another, only 
because the one hath bene suspected but to have bene a well 
wisher to the Plantation in Maryland. 

The Governor only of Virginia (a gentleman in good faith 
in my judgment of a noble mynde and worthy heart) out of 

1 An Indian town at the mouth of Hampton River, on the east side, three 
miles from Point Comfort. 

2 Compliance. 



1634] LETTER OF CAPTAIN YONG 59 

his care to observe his Ma ties commands signified to him by 
his Royall l res [letters] and also out of his own good inclina- 
tions hath carried himself very worthily and respectively 
towards them and is ready on all occasions to give them all 
the assistance and furtherance that possibly he can, though 
thereby he hath acquired to himself extreame hatred and 
malice from all the rest of the country, to whom I can find 
only two of his councell indifferent, the one of them called 
Captaine Purfree a souldier and a man of an open heart, honest 
and free, hating for ought I can [see?] all kinds of dissimula- 
tion and basenesse, the other an honest playne man but of 
small capacity and lesse power. 1 

The person on whom the strength and sinewes of this 
faction depends is one Captayne Mathews an ancient planter 
heere, a man of a bold spiritt, turbulent and strong in the 
faction of the more refractory sort of the countrey, and as I 
have bene informed by persons of good creditt a great op- 
poser and interpreter of all letters and commands that come 
from the King and state of England, apt also to possesse and 
preoccupate the judgments of the rest of his fellow counci- 
lors, that letters from the King and from the Lords are sur- 
reptitiously gotten and that the obedience to them may and 
ought to be suspended till they be warranted by second com- 
mands from England, which may issue from them after the 
Lords have bene informed by them, for that many times the 
Lords are not sufficiently instructed in the necessities and con- 
veniencies of this Government heere, pretending and making 
them beleeve that evry kind of disobedience doe oftentimes 
become gratefull to the State. This gentleman as I heare is 
lately married to the daughter of one Sir Thomas Hinton, who 
is lately retired hither into these parts, 2 and he grows, as is 
conceaved, much bolder by this alliance, as hoping by his 
power to find great strength in England, though for my part 
I conceave he hath but small grounds for those hopes, yet 
heere we have it very confidently and very frequently re- 
ported that a sonne of S r Thomas Hintons, who is a gentle- 
man of the Privie Chamber, is to come over hither Governor. 

1 Sir John Harvey continued to be the stanch friend of Lord Baltimore and 
the Maryland Colony and to entertain suspicions as to the loyalty of Claiborne. 
s Sir Thomas Hinton, M. P. 1620-1626. 



60 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

S r John Harvye invited me very earnestly that during the 
time that my ship was making ready and my shallopp build- 
ing I would accompany him to James Towne, whither he was 
then going, wch I accepted as a favor, partly led thereunto 
with desire to see the country, partly also to see the event 
of my Lords buisnesse, and likewise a little to recreate myself 
after my long voyage, wherein I thank God I have yet had my 
health very well. We lay two nights by the way, at a gentle- 
mans house a planter of the country one night, and the other 
most parte of it aboard S r Johns barge. This countrey 
aboundeth with very great plentie insomuch as in ordinary 
planters houses of the better sort we found tables fournished 
wth porke, kidd, chickens, turkeyes, young geese, Caponetts 
and such other foules as the season of the yeare affords, 
besides plentie of milk, cheese, butter and corne, wch latter 
almost every planter in the country hath. 

The country is very good and fertill, the climate pleasant 
and wholesome, the land fertile enough and with good hus- 
bandry will soone grow into great abundance, and a great 
Trade may quickly be driven heere, if good providence and 
care be taken, wch will much advance his Ma ties customes. 

While I stay heere at James Towne, where Now I am, 
I meet dayly with severall of the best and most understand- 
ing sort of the Inhabitants of this place, by whome I enforme 
myself as much as I can of the State of this countrey and I 
find really that the present Governor hath carried himselfe 
heere with very great prudence, hath bene extraordinary dil- 
ligent in advancing and furthering the Colony, a great re- 
former of the abuses in the Governement, especially in point of 
justice, wch at his first entrance was full of corruption and par- 
tiality, the richest and most powerfull oppressing and swal- 
lowing up the poorer, though now much amended by his care 
and zeale to justice, though even in that also he is sometimes 
overborne by the strength and power of some factious and 
turbulent spiritts of his councell, for heere in this place all 
things are carried by the most voyces of the Councell, and they 
are for the most part united in a kind of faction against the 
Governor, insomuch as they make their publike consultations 
give strength and authority to their faction, and it is hard 
for the Governors to determine or order any thing heere con- 



1634] LETTER OF CAPTAIN YONG 61 

trary to their dreaming, for they come all hither preoccu- 
pated and resolved to follow and concurr with the votes of 
their leaders. Of this faction Captain Mathews, of whom 
before I spake, is the head and cheefe supporte. This gentle- 
man, as I am told, tooke the boldenesse publikely when the 
kings letter was delivered and read in favor of my Lord of 
Baltimore was there read, to question whether they were not 
surreptitiously procured, and it is vehemently suspected, and 
they say not without reason, that he hath bene the incendiary 
of all this wicked plott of Cleybourne's and yet continues to 
bee the supporter and upholder of him, and except my Lord 
finde some meanes speedily and in a very exemplar manner 
to curb and suppresse this mans insolencies, he will dayly find 
more and more practizes and treacherous conspiracies con- 
trived against him, and veryly I beleeve if my Lord could 
finde meanes over heere to ecclipse his power and greatnesse, 
or to remove him from hence, the backe of this faction would 
soone be broken and this strong knot would untie of itselfe. 
Nor is that other instrument of his of whome I spake before, 
namely Cleybourne, lesse carefully to be lookt unto, since his 
practizes, though they be not so publike as the others insolen- 
cies, yet are they not lesse dangerous to that Colony, yea and 
to the security of the peace of this very land and governement 
of Virginia, where I have bene informed that some of the Coun- 
cilors have bene bold enough in a presumptuous manner to 
say, to such as told them that perhaps their disobedience 
might cause them to be sent for into England, That if the 
King would have them he must come himself and fetch them. 



A RELATION OF MARYLAND, 1635 



INTRODUCTION 

The ensuing document, A Relation of Maryland, published 
originally as a pamphlet in London in 1635, for the informa- 
tion of persons contemplating emigration to the new colony, 
is practically of the nature of a prospectus. The William 
Peaseley mentioned on the title-page, from whom copies and 
further information and advice could be obtained, was the 
brother-in-law of Lord Baltimore, having married the latter's 
eldest sister, Anne. 

This Relation reproduces much concerning Maryland and 
its settlement that is contained in Father White's narrative of 
the voyage over, and the remainder is no doubt derived from 
the reports which the commissioners for the colony were, under 
their instructions from the Proprietary, required to send by 
every ship departing from the province, as well as from the 
publications of Captain John Smith in relation to Virginia, 
and William Wood's treatise of New England referred to in 
the text. 

The account does full justice to the advantages of the new 
settlement and the attractiveness of the country, its climate, 
etc. If there were any disadvantages or hardships, other than 
those which necessarily attend a pioneer settlement in the 
wilderness, they are not mentioned. It is true that in con- 
trast with the suffering and disastrous loss of life which at- 
tended the first settlement of Virginia at Jamestown, and of 
New England at Plymouth, the Maryland colonists had no 
such experience. This, as is acknowledged in the pamphlet, 
was partly due to the fact that for their immediate wants they 
were able to obtain supplies from the older settlements; but 

65 



66 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

in a greater measure probably it was due to a mild win- 
ter as compared with the rigors of the New England coast, 
and to the salubrious situation of St. Mary's upon a high 
bluff overlooking the river, as contrasted with the low and 
malarious spot which in ignorance of the climate the Virginia 
colonists had selected as the site of Jamestown. The lot of 
the Marylanders was moreover cast among the Pascataways, 
a gentle and peaceful tribe of Indians, who received them with 
hospitality and gladly furnished them with shelter and pro- 
visions. These people, it appears, were not nomadic and had 
made some progress in agriculture. 1 It is a pleasant fact to 
note that these friendly relations were never broken; and that 
when in after years (1670) the Indians, being reduced in num- 
ber and wasted by sickness, reported that they were unable 
through weakness and poverty to bring their annual gift, the 
Deputy Governors, Philip and William Calvert, promptly re- 
plied that they desired to continue in amity with them and 
would not scorn or cast off the meanest of them. 2 

Appended to the Relation (Chapter vi.) are the Conditions 
of Plantation which Lord Baltimore offered to adventurers to 
Maryland, and suggestions (Chapter vn.) as to suitable equip- 
ment in victuals, apparel, household effects, arms, implements, 
etc., with which emigrants should provide themselves, wisely 
using for this purpose the experience of others. The first part 
of this list of necessary articles is very nearly a copy from that 
contained in Captain Smith's Generall Histprie of Virginia 
(Narratives of Early Virginia, pp. 393 et seq.). Prescribed 
forms for contracts to be made with indentured servants, and 
for bills of lading for shipment of goods, are also given. 

Then follows an English translation of the letters patent 
issued to Cecilius Lord Baltimore, or the Charter of Maryland. 
This charter has been pronounced by John V. L. McMahon, in 
his History of the Government of Maryland (1. 155), to be more 

1 See p. 73, infra. 2 Archives of Maryland, V. 65. 



INTRODUCTION 67 

ample in its terms than any similar charter ever granted by an 
English king. 

As a political or constitutional document it is well worthy 
of study, especially on account of the palatine authority given 
to the Proprietary, the feudal character of his tenure, and the 
provision for a legislative body or General Assembly composed 
of the freemen or their delegates. The charter is modelled 
closely after that of Avalon in Newfoundland which had been 
granted to George, the first Lord Baltimore, by James I., and 
which is supposed to have been drafted by the grantee. His 
death occurring in April, 1632, before the grant had passed the 
seals, it was made in the following June to his son and heir 
Cecilius. 

The following is a brief summary of the more salient feat- 
ures of the instrument : 

In order that Maryland might be eminently distinguished 
above all other regions in that territory (America), and dec- 
orated with more ample titles, it was erected into a province, 
of which the Baron of Baltimore and his heirs were constituted 
the true and absolute Lords and Proprietaries, with all the 
powers, prerogatives, and royal rights which any bishop of 
Durham in the bishopric or county palatine of Durham ever 
had used or enjoyed or of right could have held and enjoyed. 

The proprietaries were given the patronage and advowsons 
of churches with authority to have them consecrated accord- 
ing to the ecclesiastical law of England. They were given power 
to enact laws with the advice and assent of the freemen or their 
representatives, and to enforce the same through courts of their 
own creation ; to punish violations of law, whether committed 
in the province or on the high seas, even to the taking of life or 
limb, and, when the freemen could not conveniently be con- 
vened, to make ordinances which should have the force of law, 
except that under such ordinances no one could be deprived of 
life, limb, or property. They were given authority to confer dig- 



68 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

nities and titles, to raise and maintain a military force, to wage 
war, to pursue enemies beyond the borders of the province, and 
in the event of sedition or rebellion to proclaim martial law; to 
establish ports of entry, and, upon occasion, to impose taxes and 
subsidies upon merchandise; to alienate land in fee, fee-tail, or 
upon lease; to constitute manors and establish courts baron. 
It was in the charter provided that all subjects of the Crown 
going to Maryland and their descendants born there, should be 
esteemed to be natives of England, with power to own land and 
other estates of inheritance in England. They were given au- 
thority to trade not only with the mother country, but also 
with foreign nations with which England was at peace. The 
power of the Crown to impose any customs, taxations, or con- 
tributions within the province was distinctly renounced, 
though the payment of the customary duties on wares and 
merchandise brought into England or exported therefrom 
was reserved; and it was finally declared that the territory 
described should not thereafter be considered as part of Vir- 
ginia, and that in the case of doubt as to the meaning of any 
word, clause, or sentence in the charter, it should always be 
interpreted in the manner most beneficial, profitable, and favor- 
able to Lord Baltimore his heirs and assigns. There was re- 
served to the Crown and to all the King's subjects of England 
and Ireland the liberty of fishing for sea-fish in the waters of 
the province, with the privilege of landing for salting and dry- 
ing the same, and, for that purpose, of cutting underwood and 
twigs for building huts, so that the same were done without 
notable injury to the Proprietary or the residents. 

This province was granted to Lord Baltimore and his heirs 
to be held in feudal tenure in free and common socage only, the 
tribute reserved being two Indian arrows to be delivered yearly 
in Easter week at Windsor Castle, and the fifth part of the gold 
and silver ore to be found within the province. As no precious 
metals were discovered, this last was a barren provision. 



INTRODUCTION 69 

The Latin text of the charter, together with an English 
translation, is contained in Bacon's compilation of the Laws 
of Maryland, published in 1765. A Latin text obtained from 
the records of the Public Record Office in London (Pat. Roll 8 
Car. I.) was printed in Maryland Archives, III. 3, and pre- 
fixed to it is a table of all variations between that text and the 
version in Bacon's Laws. The differences are unimportant and 
are chiefly grammatical, such as the use of singular or plural 
number. According to a foot-note in Bacon's Laws it appears 
that the certified Latin copy which he used, though present- 
ing verbal differences, was procured from the same source. 

In the collection of Calvert Papers belonging to the Mary- 
land Historical Society there are two manuscript copies of the 
charter in Latin, and one in English. There have been nu- 
merous reprints of the charter of Maryland in both English and 
Latin, but the text here given, originally printed three years 
after the grant, and that contained in Bacon's Laws may be 
regarded as authoritative English versions. It is noted in 
Bacon's Laws that the old translation of the charter (the one 
here given) had been republished by order of the Lower House 
of the Assembly of Maryland, in 1725. 

The following pamphlet was reprinted in close imitation of 
the typography of the original in 1865, by Joseph Sabin, New 
York. There is a copy of the original edition, which has be- 
come very rare, in the library of the Maryland Historical 

Society. 

C. C. H. 



A RELATION OF MARYLAND, 1635 

A Relation of Maryland; together with a Map of the Countrey, 
the Conditions of Plantation, with His Majesties Charter to 
the Lord Baltemore, translated into English. 

These Bookes are to bee had, at Master william Peasley Esq; his 
house, on the back-side of Drury-Lane, neere the Cock-pit 
Playhouse; or in his absence, at Master John Morgans house 
in high Holbourne, over against the Dolphin. London. 
September the 8. Anno Dom. 1635. 1 

CHAP. I 

A Relation of the Lord Baltemore J s Plantation in Maryland. 

His most Excellent Majestie having by his Letters Patent, 
under the Great Seale of England, granted a certaine Countrey 
in America (now called Maryland, in honour of our gratious 
Queene) unto the Lord Baltemore, with divers Priviledges, 
and encouragements to all those that should adventure with 
his Lordship in the Planting of that Countrey: the benefit 
and honour of such an action was readily apprehended by 
divers Gentlemen, of good birth and qualitie, who thereupon 
resolved to adventure their Persons, and a good part of their 
fortunes with his Lordship, in the pursuite of so noble and 
(in all likelihood) so advantagious an enterprize. His Lord- 
ship was at first resolved to goe in person; but the more im- 
portant reasons perswading his stay at home, hee appointed his 
brother, Mr. Leonard Calvert to goe Governour in his stead, 
with whom he joyned in Commission, Mr. Jerome Hawley, and 
Mr. Thomas Cornwallis (two worthy and able Gentlemen.) 
These with the other Gentlemen adventurers, and their ser- 
vants to the number of neere 200. people, imbarked themselves 
for the voyage, in the good ship called the Arke, of 300. tunne 

^he italic words reproduce the title-page of the original. 
70 




OF 

Together* 

"A Map of the Countrey, 
The Conditions of Plantation* 
'Vith^His Majefties Charter; to the 
Lore! *B alternate * tranflatcd 
into EnaliHw 



\ 



Thefe BooVes are to bee had , at Mafter fri&iam 
Pea/ley Efq; lis houfe,on the back-fide of Dru- 
ryLsne^ neerc the Cock-pit Playhoufe; or in 
bisabfence, at Mafter John Morgans houfe in 
high HolboitrnepvzT againft the Dolphm y ' 

London* 



September the 8. Anno*pom* i-tfjj. 



TITLE-PAGE OF "A RELATION OF MARYLAND," 1635 

From a copy of the original in the New York 
Public Library (Lenox Building) 



\ 



1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 71 

and upward, which was attended by his Lordships Pinnace, 
called the Dove, of about 50. tunne. And so on Friday, the 
22. of November, 1633. a small gale of winde comming gently 
from the Northwest, they weighed from the Cowes in the Isle 
of Wight, about ten in the morning; And having stayed by 
the way Twenty dayes at the Barbada's, and Fourteene dayes 
at Saint Christophers (upon some necessary occasions) they 
arrived at Point Comfort in Virginia, on the foure and twen- 
tyeth of February following. They had Letters from his 
Majesty, in favor of them, to the Governour of Virginia, in 
obedience whereunto, he used them with much courtesie and 
humanitie. At this time, one Captaine Cleyborne (one of the 
Councel of Virginia) comming from the parts whether they in- 
tended to goe, told them that all the Natives were in prepara- 
tion of defence by reason of a rumor some had raised amongst 
them, that 6. shippes were to come with many people, who 
would drive all the inhabitants out of the Countrey. 1 

On the 3. of March, they left Point-Comfort, and 2. dayes 
after, they came to Patowmeck river, which is about 24. leagues 
distant, there they began to give names to places, and called 
the Southerne point of that River, Saint Gregories; and the 
Northerne point, Saint Michaels. 

They sayled up the River, till they came to Heron Island, 
which is about 14. leagues, and there came to an Anchor under 
an Island neere unto it, which they called S. Clements. 2 Where 
they set up a Crosse, and tooke possession of this Countrey for 
our Saviour, and for our Soveraigne Lord the King of England. 

Heere the Governor thought fit for the ship to stay, until 
hee had discovered more of the Countrey : and so hee tooke two 
Pinnaces, 3 and went up the River some 4. leagues, and landed 
on the South side, where he found the Indians fled for feare, 
from thence hee sayled some 9. leagues higher to Patowmeck 
Towne where the Werowance* being a child, Archihau his unckle 
(who governed him and his Countrey for him) gave all the 

1 See pp. 39, 40, supra. 

2 Now called Blackistone's Island. Situated in the Potomac River opposite 
the mouth of St. Clement's Bay. Against "Heron Island" stands in the original 
a marginal note reading: "So called from the abundance of that Fowle there." 

8 "The Dove, and one hyred in Virginia," says the margin. 
4 "So they call their Princes," says the margin. 



72 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

company good well come, and one 1 of the company having 
entered into a little discourse with him, touching the errours of 
their religion, hee seemed well pleased therewith; and at his 
going away, desired him to returne thither againe, saying he 
should live with him, his men should hunt for him, and hee 
would divide all with him. 

From hence the Governor went to Paschatoway, about 20. 
leagues higher, 2 where he found many Indians assembled, and 
heere he met with one Captaine Henry Fleete an English-man, 
who had lived many yeeres among the Indians, and by that 
meanes spake the Countrey language very well, and was much 
esteemed of by the natives. Him our Governour sent a shore 
to invite the Werowance to a parley, who thereupon came 
with him aboard privately, where he was courteously enter- 
tained, and after some parley being demanded by the Gov- 
ernour, whether hee would be content that he and his people 
should set downe in his Countrey, in case he should find a 
place convenient for him, his answer was, "that he would not 
bid him goe, neither would hee bid him stay, but that he 
might use his owne discretion." 

While this Werowance was aboard, many of his people came 
to the water side, fearing that he might be surprised, where- 
upon the Werowance commanded two Indians that came with 
him, to goe on shore, to quit them of this feare, but they an- 
swered, they feared they would kill them; The Werowance 
therefore shewed himselfe upon the decke, and told them hee 
was in safety, wherewith they were satisfied. 

Whilest the Governour was abroard, the neighbouring In- 
dians, where the ship lay, began to cast off feare, and to come 
to their Court of guard, which they kept night and day upon 
Saint Clements He, partly to defend their barge, which was 
brought in pieces out of England, and there made up; and 
partly to defend their men which were imployed in felling of 
trees, and cleaving pales for a Palizado, and at last they ven- 
tured to come aboard the ship. 

The Governour finding it not fit, for many reasons, to seate 
himselfe as yet so high in the River, resolved to returne backe 
againe, and to take a more exact view of the lower part, and so 

1 Father Altham. 

* Piscataway, in the southwest corner of Prince George County. 



1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 73 

leaving the Ship and Pinnaces there, he tooke his Barge (as 
most fit to search the Creekes, and small rivers) and was con- 
ducted by Captaine Fleete (who knew well the Countrey) to a 
River on the North-side of Patomeck river, within 4. or 5. 
leagues from the mouth thereof, which they called Saint 
Georges River. 1 They went up this river about 4. Leagues, 
and anchored at the Towne of Yoacomaco: from whence the 
Indians of that part of the Countrey, are called Yoacomacoes : 

At their comming to this place, the Governour went on 
shoare, and treated friendly with the Werowance there, and 
acquainted him with the intent of his comming thither, to 
which hee made little answere (as it is their manner, to any new 
or suddane question) but entertained him, and his company 
that night in his house, and gave him his owne bed to lie on 
(which is a matt layd on boords) and the next day, went to 
shew him the country, and that day being spent in viewing 
the places about that towne, and the fresh waters, which there 
are very plentifull, and excellent good (but the maine rivers are 
salt) the Governor determined to make the first Colony there, 
and so gave order for the Ship and Pinnaces to come thither. 

This place he found to be a very commodious situation for 
a Towne, in regard the land is good, the ayre wholsome and 
pleasant, the River affords a safe harbour for ships of any 
burthen, and a very bould shoare ; fresh water, and wood there 
is in great plenty, and the place so naturally fortified, as with 
little difncultie, it will be defended from any enemie. 

To make his entry peaceable and safe, hee thought fit to 
present the Werowance and the Wisoes 2 of the Towne with 
some English Cloth, (such as is used in trade with the Indians) 
Axes, Howes, and Knives, which they accepted very kindly, 
and freely gave consent that hee and his company should dwell 
in one part of their Towne, and reserved the other for them- 
selves; and those Indians that dwelt in that part of the Towne, 
which was allotted for the English, freely left them their 
houses, and some corne that they had begun to plant : It was 
also agreed between them, that at the end of harvest they 

1 Now St. Mary's. The site of the town is a little over six miles from the 
mouth of the river, which in turn is distant about eight miles from Point 
Lookout at the mouth of the Potomac. 

"So they call the chiefe men of accompt among them." (Marginal note.) 



/ 



; 



74 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

should leave the whole towne; which they did accordingly: 
And they made mutuall promises to each other, to live friendly 
and peaceably together, and if any injury should happen to be 
done on any part, that satisfaction should be made for the 
same, and thus upon the 27. day of March, Anno Domini, 1634. 
the Governour tooke possession of the place, and named the 
Towne Saint Maries. 

There was an occasion that much facilitated their treaty 
with these Indians, which was this: The Sasquehanocks (a 
warlike people that inhabite betweene Chesopeack bay, and 
Delaware bay) did usually make warres, and incursions upon 
the neighbouring Indians, partly for superiority, partly for 
to get their Women, and what other purchase they could meet 
with, which these Indians of Yocomaco fearing, had the yeeie 
before our arivall there, made a resolution, for their safety, 
to remove themselves higher into the Countrey where it was 
more populous, and many of them were gone thither before the 
English arrived. 

Three dayes after their comming to Yoacomaco the Arke 
with the two Pinaces arived there. The Indians much won- 
dred to see such ships, and at the thundering of the Ordnance 
when they came to an Anchor. 

The next day they began to prepare for their houses, and 
first of all a Court of Guard, 1 and a Store-house; in the meane 
time they lay abord the ship : They had not beene there many 
dayes before Sir John Harvie the governor of Virginea came 
thither to visit them; Also some Indian Werowances, and 
many other Indians from severall parts came to see them, 
amongst others the Werowance of Patuxent came to visit 
the Governour, and being brought into the great Cabin of the 
ship, was placed betweene the Governour of Virginea, and the 
Governour of Mary-land; and a Patuxent Indian that came 
with him, comming into the Cabin, and finding the Werowance 
thus sitting betweene the two Governours, started backe, fear- 
ing the Werowance was surprised, and was ready to have 
leapt overboard, and could not be perswaded to come into the 
Cabin, untill the Werowance came himselfe unto him; for he 
remembered how the said Werowance had formerly beene 
taken prisoner by the English of Virginia. 

1 Guard-house. 



1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 75 

After they had finished the store-house, and unladed the 
ship, the Governour thought fit to bring the Colours on shore, 
which were attended by all the Gentlemen, and the rest of the 
servants in armes; who received the Colours with a volley of 
shot, which was answered by the Ordnance from the ships; At 
this Ceremony were present, the Werowances of Patuxent, and 
Yoacomaco, with many other Indians; and the Werowance of 
Patuxent hereupon tooke occasion to advise the Indians of 
Yoacomaco to be carefull to keepe the league that they had 
made with the English. He stayed with them divers dayes, 
and used many Indian Complements, and at his departure 
hee said to the Governour. "I love the English so well, that 
if they should goe about to kill me, if I had but so much 
breath as to speake; I would command the people, not to 
revenge my death; for I know they would not doe such a 
thing, except it were through mine owne default." 

They brought thither with them some store of Indian 
Come, from the Barbado's, which at their first arivall they 
began to use (thinking fit to reserve their English provision of 
Meale and Oatemeale) and the Indian women seeing their ser- 
vants to bee unacquainted with the manner of dressing it, 
would make bread thereof for them, and teach them how to 
doe the like: They found also the countrey well stored with 
Corne (which they bought with truck, such as there is desired, 
the Natives having no knowledge of the use of money) whereof 
they sold them such plenty, as that they sent 1000. bushells of 
it to New-England, to provide them some salt-fish, and other 
commodities which they wanted. 1 

During the time that the Indians stai'd by the English at 
Yoacomaco, they went dayly to hunt with them for Deere and 
Turkies, whereof some they gave them for Presents, and the 
meaner sort would sell them to them, for knives, beades and 
the like: Also of Fish, the natives brought them great store, 
and in all things dealt very friendly with them; their women 
and children came very frequently amongst them, which was a 
certaine signe of their confidence of them, it being found by 

1 Winthrop, in his Journal, I. 131, under date of August 29, 1634, notes the 
arrival of the Dove from Maryland, laden with corn, and bringing letters from 
Governor Calvert, the other two commissioners, the governor of Virginia, and 
Captain Yong. 



76 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

experience, that they never attempt any ill, where the women 
are, or may be in danger. 

Their comming thus to seate upon an Indian Towne, where 
they found ground cleered to their hands, gave them oppor- 
tunity (although they came late in the yeere) to plant some 
Corne, and to make them gardens, which they sowed with 
English seeds of all sorts, and they prospered exceeding well. 
They also made what haste they could to finish their houses; 
but before they could accomplish all these things, one Captaine 
Cleyborne (who had a desire to appropriate the trade of those 
parts unto himselfe) began to cast out words amongst the Ind- 
ians, saying, That those of Yoacomaco were Spaniards and 
his enemies; and by this meanes endeavoured to alienate the 
mindes of the Natives from them, so that they did not receive 
them so friendly as formerly they had done. This caused 
them to lay aside all other workes, and to finish their Fort, 
which they did within the space of one moneth; where they 
mounted some Ordnance, and furnished it with some mur- 
therers, 1 and such other meanes of defence as they thought fit 
for their safeties: which being done, they proceeded with their 
Houses and finished them, with convenient accommodations 
belonging thereto: And although they had thus put them- 
selves in safety, yet they ceased not to procure to put these 
jealousies out of the Natives minds, by treating and using 
them in the most courteous manner they could, and at last 
prevailed therein, and setled a very firme peace and friendship 
with them. They procured from Virginia, Hogges, Poultrey, 
and some Cowes, and some male cattell, which hath given 
them a foundation for breed and increase; and whoso desires 
it, may furnish himselfe with store of Cattell from thence, but 
the hogges and Poultrey are already increased in Maryland, to 
a great stocke, sufficient to serve the Colonie very plentifully. 
They have also set up a Water-mill for the grinding of Corne, 
adjoyning to the Towne. 2 

Thus within the space of sixe moneths, was laid the foun- 
dation of the Colonie in Maryland; and whosoever intends now 
to goe thither, shall finde the way so troden, that hee may pro- 
ceed with much more ease and confidence then these first ad- 

1 Small cannon. 

« Mill Creek lay at the north side of St. Mary's. 



1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 77 

venturers could, who were ignorant both of Place, People, and 
all things else, and could expect to find nothing but what nat- 
ure produced: besides, they could not in reason but thinke, 
the Natives would oppose them; whereas now the Countrey 
is discovered, and friendship with the natives is assured, 
houses built, and many other accommodations, as Cattell, 
Hogges, Poultry, Fruits and the like brought thither from 
England, Virginea, and other places, which are usefull, both 
for profit and Pleasure: and without boasting it may be said, 
that this Colony hath arived to more in sixe moneths, then 
Virginia did in as many yeeres. If any man say, they are be- 
holding to Virginea for so speedy a supply of many of those 
things which they of Virginia were forced to fetch from Eng- 
land and other remote places, they will confess it, and acknowl- 
edge themselves glad that Virginea is so neere a neighbour, and 
that it is so well stored of all necessaries for to make those parts 
happy, and the people to live as plentifully as in any other part 
of the world, only they wish that they would be content their 
neighbours might live in peace by them, and then no doubt 
they should find a great comfort each in other. 

CHAP. II 

A description of the Countrey. 

The precedent discourse gives you to understand, how the 
first Colony sate downe in Maryland, what progresse they made, 
and in what estate it is at this present : Now my purpose is to 
speake of the Countrey in generall, that who so lookes that 
way, may beforehand know something thereof. It is seated 
betweene the degrees of 38 and 40 of North-Latitude, Virginia 
bounds it on the South, New-England on the North, and the 
Ocean on the East, but the Westerne parts are not yet dis- 
covered. 

The temper of the Ayre is very good, and agrees well with 
the English, as appeared at their first comming thither, when 
they had no houses to shelter them, and their people were en- 
forced, not onely to labour in the day, but to watch in their 
turnes at night, yet had their healths exceeding well : In Sum- 
mer its hot as in Spaine, and in Winter there is frost and snow, 



78 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

but it seldome lasts long; this last Winter was the coldest that 
had beene knowne in many yeeres : but the yeere before, there 
was scarce any signe of Winter, onely that the leaves fell from 
the trees, in all other things it appeared to be Summer; and yet 
the last Winter, both their Cattell and Hoggs kept themselves 
in the woods, without any fodder, or other helpe, and the 
Hoggs thrived so well, that some of them were killed out of the 
woods for Porke and Bacon, which was excellent good and fat. 

The Windes there are variable; from the South comes 
Heat, Gusts, and Thunder; from the North, or North-west, 
cold- weather, and in winter, Frost and Snow; from the East 
and South-east, Raine. 

The ordinary entrance by Sea into this Countrey, is be- 
tweene two Capes, which are distant each from other, about 7 or 
8 leagues, the South-Cape is called Cape-Henry, the North, 
Cape-Charles, When you are come within the Capes, you enter 
into a faire Bay, which is navigable for at least 200 miles, and 
is called Chesopeack Bay, and runneth Northerly: Into this 
Bay fall many goodly navigable Rivers, the chief e whereof is 
Patomack, where the Colony is now seated. It's navigable for 
140 miles, it begins to be fresh about 2 leagues above Patomack 
Towne. The next River Northward is Patuxent, which at 
the entrance is distant from the other, about 20 miles, and is 
a very pleasant and commodious River; It's fit for habitation, 
and easie to be defended, by reason of the Hands, and other 
places of advantage, that may command it; from thence, untill 
you come to the head of the Bay, there are no more Rivers 
that are inhabited: There dwell the Sasquehanocks, upon a 
River 1 that is not navigable for our Boates, by reason of Sholes 
and Rockes; but they passe it in Canoos; 2 At the entrance 
thereof, there is an Iland which will command that River. 
Upon the East side of this Bay lie very many Hands which are 
not inhabited, where are store of Deere. 

On the Easterne shore of the Country, which lieth upon the 
maine Ocean, are sundry small Creekes, and one likely to 
proove a very commodious harbour, called Matsopongue; 3 
neere the mouth whereof, lieth an Iland of about 20 miles in 

1 The Susquehanna River. 

2 "A tearme they use for their Boates." (Marginal note.) 

* Machepongo Inlet. This is in Northampton County, Virginia. 



1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 79 

length, and thence about 6 leagues more Northerly, another 
Hand called Chingoto ; x and about seaven leagues beyond that, 
to the North, opens another very large faire Bay, called Dela- 
ware Bay. This Bay is about 8 leagues wide at the entrance, 
and into it, there falls a very faire navigable River. 

The Countrey is generally plaine and even, and yet hath 
some pritty small hills and risings; It's full of Rivers and 
Creekes and hath store of Springs and small Brookes: The 
Woods for the most part are free from underwood, so that a 
man may travell on horsebacke, almost any-where, or hunt 
for his recreation. 

CHAP. Ill 

The Commodities which this Countrey affords naturally. 

This Countrey affords naturally, many excellent things for 
Physicke and Surgery, the perfect use of which, the English 
cannot yet learne from the Natives: They have a roote which 
is an excellent preservative against Poyson, called by the 
English, the Snake roote. Other herbes and rootes they have, 
wherewith they cure all manner of woundes; also Saxafras, 
Gummes, and Balsum. An Indian seeing one of the English, 
much troubled with the tooth-ake, fetched of the roote of a 
tree, and gave the party some of it to hold in his mouth, and 
it eased the paine presently. They have other rootes fit for 
dyes, wherewith they make colours to paint themselves. 

The Timber of these parts is very good, and in aboundance, 
it is usefull for building of houses, and shippes; the white Oake 
is good for Pipe-staves, the red Oake for wainescot. There is 
also Walnut, Cedar, Pine, and Cipresse, Chesnut, Elme, Ashe, 
and Popler, all which are for Building, and Husbandry. Also 
there are divers sorts of Fruit-trees, as Mulberries, Persimons, 
with severall other kind of Plummes, and Vines, in great 
aboundance. The Mast and the Chesnuts, and what rootes 
they find in the woods, doe feede the Swine very fat, and will 
breede great store, both for their owne provision, or for mer- 
chandise, and such as is not inferior to the Bacon of West- 
phalia. 

1 Chincoteague. The distance from Chincoteague Inlet to Cape Henlopen 
at the entrance to Delaware Bay is in fact about 67 miles or 22 leagues. 



80 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

Of Strawberries, .there is plenty, which are ripe in Aprill : 
Mulberries in May; and Raspices in June; Maracocks 1 which 
is somewhat like a Limon, are ripe in August. 

In the Spring, there are severall sorts of herbes, as Corn- 
sallet, Violets, Sorrell, Purslaine, all which are very good 
and wholsome, and by the English, used for sallets, and in 
broth. 

In the upper parts of the Countrey, there are Bufeloes, 
Elkes, Lions, Beares, Wolves, and Deare there are in great 
store, in all places that are not too much frequented, as also 
Beavers, Foxes, Otters, and many other sorts of Beasts. 

Of Birds, there is the Eagle, Goshawke, Falcon, Lanner, 
Sparrow-hawke, and Merlin, also wild Turkeys in great abound- 
ance, whereof many weigh 50. pounds, and upwards; and of 
Partridge plenty: There are likewise sundry sorts of Birds 
which sing, whereof some are red, some blew, others blacke 
and yellow, some like our Black-birds, others like Thrushes, 
but not of the same kind, with many more, for which wee know 
no names. 

In Winter there is great plenty of Swannes, Cranes, Geese, 
Herons, Ducke, Teale, Widgeon, Brants, and Pidgeons, with 
other sorts, whereof there are none in England. 

The Sea, the Bayes of Chesopeack, and Delaware, and gen- 
erally all the Rivers, doe abound with Fish of severall sorts; 
for many of them we have no English names: There are 
Whales, Sturgeons very large and good, and in great abound- 
ance; Grampuses, Porpuses, Mullets, Trouts, Soules, Place, 
Mackerell, Perch, Crabs, Oysters, Cockles, and Mussles; But 
above all these, the fish that have no English names, are the 
best except the Sturgeons : There is also a fish like the Thorne- 
backe in England, which hath a taile a yard long, wherein are 
sharpe prickles, with which if it strike a man, it will put him to 
much paine and torment, but it is very good meate: also the 
Tode-fish, which will swell till it be ready to burst, if it be taken 
out of the water. 

The Mineralls have not yet beene much searched after, 
yet there is discovered Iron Oare; and Earth fitt to make 
Allum, Terra lemnia, and a red soile like Bolearmonicke, 2 

1 See Captain John Smith, in Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 92. 
3 Ibid, p. 87. 



1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 81 

with sundry other sorts of Mineralls, which wee have not yet 
beene able to make any tryall of. 

The soil generally is very rich, like that which is about 
Cheesweeke 1 neere London, where it is worth 20. shillings an 
Acre yeerely to Tillage in the Common-fields, and in very 
many places, you shall have two foote of blacke rich mould, 
wherein you shall scarce find a stone, it is like a sifted Garden- 
mould, and is so rich that if it be not first planted with Indian 
corne, Tobacco, Hempe, or some such thing that may take off 
the ranknesse thereof, it will not be fit for any English graine ; 
and under that, there is found good loame, whereof wee have 
made as good bricke as any in England; there is great store of 
Marish ground also, that with good husbandry, will make as 
rich Medow, as any in the world : There is store of Marie, both 
blue, and white, and in many places, excellent clay for pots, 
and tyles; and to conclude, there is nothing that can be rea- 
sonably expected in a place lying in the latitude which this 
doth, but you shall either find it here to grow naturally: or 
Industry, and good husbandry will produce it. 



CHAP. IIII 

The commodities that may be procured in Maryland by 

industry. 

Hee that well considers the situation of this Countrey, and 
findes it placed betweene Virginia and New-England, cannot 
but, by his owne reason, conclude that it must needs partici- 
pate of the naturall commodities of both places, and be capable 
of those which industry brings into either, the distances being 
so small betweene them: you shall find in the Southerne parts 
of Maryland, all that Virginia hath naturally; and in the 
Northerne parts, what New-England produceth: and he that 
reades Captaine John Smith shall see at large discoursed what 
is in Virginia, and in Master William Wood, who this yeere hath 
written a treatise of New-England, 2 he may know what is there 
to be expected. 

1 Chiswick, where the Royal Horticultural Society now has its experimental 
garden. 

2 New England's Prospect (London, 1634). 



82 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

Yet to say something of it in particular. 

In the first place I name Corne, as the thing most neces- 
sary to sustaine man; That which the Natives use in the 
Countrey, makes very good bread, and also a meate which 
they call Omene, 1 it's like our Furmety, and is very savory 
and wholesome; it will Mault and make good Beere; Also the 
Natives have a sort of Pulse, which we call Pease and Beanes, 
that are very good. This Corne yeelds a great increase, so 
doth the Pease and Beanes: One man may in a season, well 
plant so much as will yeeld a hundred bushells of this Corne, 
20 bushells of Beanes and Pease, and yet attend a crop of 
Tobacco : which according to the goodnesse of the ground may 
be more or lesse, but is ordinarily accompted betweene 800 
and 1000 pound weight. 

They have made tryall of English Pease, and they grow 
very well, also Musk-mellons, Water-mellons, Cow-cumbers, 
with all sorts of garden Roots and Herbes, as Carrots, Parse- 
nips, Turnips, Cabbages, Radish with many more; and in 
Virginia they have sowed English Wheate and Barley, and it 
yeelds twise as much increase as in England; and although 
there be not many that doe apply themselves to plant Gardens 
and Orchards, yet those that doe it, find much profit and pleas- 
ure thereby: They have Peares, Apples, and severall sorts of 
Plummes, Peaches in abundance, and as good as those of Italy; 
so are the Mellons and Pumpions: Apricocks, Figgs and Pome- 
granates prosper exceedingly ; they have lately planted Orange 
and Limon trees which thrive very wel: and in fine, there 
is scarce any fruit that growes in England, France, Spaine or 
Italy, but hath been tryed there, and prospers well. You 
may there also have hemp and Flax, Pitch and Tarre, with 
little labour; it's apt for Rapeseed, and Annis-seed, Woad, 
Madder, Saffron, etc. There may be had Silke-wormes, the 
Countrey being stored with Mulberries: and the superfluity 
of wood will produce Potashes. 

And for Wine, there is no doubt but it will be made there 
in plenty, for the ground doth naturally bring foorth Vines, in 
such aboundance, that they are as frequent there, as Brambles 
are here. Iron may be made there with little charge; Brave 

1 Hominy. 



1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 83 

ships may be built, without requiring any materialls from 
other parts: Clabboard, Wainscott, Pipe-staves and Masts for 
ships the woods will afford plentifully. In fine, Butter and 
Cheese, Porke and Bacon, to transport to other countrys will 
be no small commodity, which by industry may be quickly 
had there in great plenty, etc. And if there were no other 
staple commodities to be hoped for, but Silke and Linnen 
(the materialls of which, apparantly will grow there) it were 
sufficient to enrich the inhabitants. 



CHAP. V 

Of the Naturall disposition of the Indians which inhabite the 
parts of Maryland where the English are seated : And their 
manner of living. 

Hee that hath a Curiosity to know all that hath beene ob- 
served of the Customes and manners of the Indians, may find 
large discourses thereof in Captaine Smiths Booke of Vir- 
ginia, and Mr. Woods of New-England: but he that is de- 
sirous to goe to Maryland, shall heere find enough to informe 
him of what is necessary for him to know touching them. By 
Captaine Smith's, and many other Relations you may be in- 
formed, that the People are War-licke, and have done much 
harme to the English; and thereby are made very terrible. 
Others say that they are a base and cowardly People, and to be 
contemned: and it is thought by some who would be esteemed 
Statesmen, that the only point of pollicie that the English can 
use, is, to destroy the Indians, or to drive them out of the 
Countrey, without which, it is not to be hoped that they can be 
secure. The truth is, if they be injured, they may well be 
feared, they being People that have able bodies, and generally, 
taller, and bigger limbed then the English, and want not cour- 
age; but the oddes wee have of them in our weapons, keepes 
them in awe, otherwise they would not flie from the English, as 
they have done in the time of Warres with those of Virginia, 
and out of that respect, a small number of our men being 
armed, will adventure upon a great troope of theirs, and for no 
other reason, for they are resolute and subtile enough: But 
from hence to conclude, that there can be no safety to live 



84 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

with them, is a very great errour. Experience hath taught us, 
that by kind and faire usage, the Natives are not onely become 
peaceable, but also friendly, and have upon all occasions per- 
formed as many friendly Offices to the English in Maryland, 
and New-England, as any neighbour or friend uses to doe in the 
most Civill parts of Christendome : Therefore any wise man 
will hold it a far more just and reasonable way to treat the 
People of the Countrey well, thereby to induce them to civility, 
and to teach them the use of husbandry, and Mechanick trades, 
whereof they are capable, which may in time be very usefull to 
the English; and the Planters to keepe themselves strong, and 
united in Townes, at least for a competent number, and then 
noe man can reasonably doubt, either surprise, or any other ill 
dealing from them. 

But to proceede, hee that sees them, may know how men 
lived whilest the world was under the Law of Nature; and, as 
by nature, so amongst them, all men are free, but yet subject 
to command for the publike defence. Their Government is 
Monarchicall, he that governs in chiefe, is called the Werow- 
ance, and is assisted by some that consult with him of the com- 
mon affaires, who are called Wisoes : They have no Lawes, but 
the Law of Nature and discretion, by which all things are ruled, 
onely Custome hath introduced a law for the Succession of the 
Government, which is this; when a Werowance dieth, his eldest 
sonne succeeds, and after him the second, and so the rest, each 
for their lives, and when all the sonnes are dead, then the sons 
of the Werowances eldest daughter shall succeede, and so if 
he have more daughters; for they hold, that the issue of the 
daughters hath more of his blood in them than the issue of his 
sonnes. The Wisoes are chosen at the pleasure of the Werow- 
ance, yet commonly they are chosen of the same family, if they 
be of yeeres capable: The yong men generally beare a very 
great respect to the elder. 

They have also Cockorooses 1 that are their Captains in time 
of war, to whom they are very obedient : But the Werowance 
himself e plants Corne, makes his owne Bow and Arrowes, his 
Canoo, his Mantle, Shooes, and what ever else belongs unto 
him, as any other common Indian; and commonly the Com- 
manders are the best and most ingenious and active in all those 

1 Cawcawaassougk, adviser. 



1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 85 

things which are in esteeme amongst them. The women 
serve their husbands, make their bread, dress their meate, 
such as they kill in hunting, or get by fishing; and if they have 
more wives than one, as some of them have (but that is not 
generall) then the best beloved wife performes all the offices of 
the house, and they take great content therein. The women 
also (beside the household businesse) use to make Matts, which 
serve to cover their houses, and for beds; also they make bas- 
kets, some of Rushes, others of Silke-grasse, which are very 
handsom. 

The Children live with their Parents; the Boyes untill they 
come to the full growth of men; (for they reckon not by yeeres, 
as we doe) then they are put into the number of Bow-men, 
and are called Blacke-boyes (and so continue untill they take 
them wives) When they are to be made Black-boyes, the an- 
cient men that governe the yonger, tell them, That if they will 
be valiant and obedient to the Werowance, Wisos, and Cocko- 
rooses, then their god will love them, all men will esteeme of 
them, and they shall kill Deere, and Turkies, catch Fish, and 
all things shall goe well with them; but if otherwise, then shall 
all goe contrary: which perswasion mooves in them an in- 
credible obedience to their commands; If they bid them take 
fire in their hands or mouthes, they will doe it, or any other des- 
perate thing, although with the apparant danger of their lives. 

The women remaine with their Parents untill they have 
husbands, and if the Parents bee dead, then with some other 
of their friends. If the husband die, he leaves all that he 
hath to his wife, except his bow and arrowes, and some Beades 
(which they usually bury with them) and she is to keepe the 
children untill the sons come to be men, and then they live 
where they please, for all mens houses are free unto them; 
and the daughters untill they have husbands. The manner 
of their marriages is thus; he that would have a wife, treates 
with the father, or if he be dead, with the friend that take care 
of her whom he desires to have to wife, and agrees with him for 
a quantity of Beades, or some such other thing which is ac- 
cepted amongst them; which he is to give for her, and must 
be payed at the day of their marriage; and then the day being 
appointed, all the friends of both parts meet at the mans house 
that is to have the wife, and each one brings a present of meate, 



86 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

and the woman that is to be married also brings her present: 
when the company is all come, the man he sits at the upper 
end of the house, and the womans friends leade her up, and 
place her by him, then all the company sit down upon mats, 
on the ground (as their manner is) and the woman riseth and 
serves dinner, First to her husband, then to all the company. 
The rest of the day they spend in singing and dancing (which 
is not unpleasant) at night the company leaves them, and 
comonly they live very peaceably and lovingly together; Yet 
it falls out sometimes, that a man puts away one wife and takes 
another: then she and her children returne to her friends again. 
They are generally very obedient to their husbands, and you 
shal seldome heare a woman speake in the presence of her 
husband, except he aske her some question. 

This people live to a great age, which appeares, in that 
although they marry not so yong as we doe in England, yet you 
may see many of them great-grandfathers to children of good 
bignesse; and continue at that age, very able and strong men: 
The Men and Women have all blacke haire, which is much 
bigger and harsher then ours, it is rare to see any of them to 
waxe gray, although they be very old, but never bauld: It is 
seldome seene that any of the men have beards, but they weare 
long locks, which reach to their shoulders, and some of them 
to their wasts: they are of a comely stature, well favoured, 
and excellently well limbed, and seldome any deformed. In 
their warres, and hunting, they use Bowes and Arrowes (but 
the Arrowes are not poysoned, as in other places.) The Ar- 
row-heads are made of a Flint-stone, the top of a Deares horn, 
or some Fish-bone, which they fasten with a sort of glew, which 
they make. They also use in warres, a short club of a cubite 
long, which they call a Tomahawk. 

They live for the most part in Townes, like Countrey 
Villages in England; Their houses are made like our Ar- 
boures, covered some with matts, others with barke of trees, 
which defend them from the injury of the weather: The fiers 
are in the midst of the house, and a hole in the top for the 
smoake to goe out at. In length, some of them are 30. oth- 
ers 40. some a 100. foote; and in breadth about 12. foote. 1 

1 Their form may be seen from an interior view in a corner of the map facing 
p. 76 of Narratives of Early Virginia. 



1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 87 

They have some things amongst them which may well be- 
come Christians to imitate, as their temperance in eating 
and drinking, their Justice each to other, for it is never 
heard of, that those of a Nation will rob or steale one from 
another; and the English doe often trust them with truck, 
to deale for them as factors, and they have performed it 
very justly: Also they have sent letters by them to Virginia, 
and into other parts of the Countrey, unto their servants that 
have beene trading abroad, and they have delivered them, and 
brought backe answere thereof unto those that sent them; 
Also their conversation each with other, is peaceable, and free 
from all scurrulous words, which may give offence; They are 
very hospitable to their owne people, and to strangers; they 
are also of a grave comportment : Some of the Adventurers at 
a time, was at one of their feasts, when Two hundred of them 
did meet together; they eate of but one dish at a meale, and 
every man, although there be never so many, is served in a 
a dish by himself e; their dishes are made of wood, but hand- 
somely wrought; The dinner lasted two houres; and after 
dinner, they sung and danced about two houres more, in all 
which time, not one word or action past amongst them that 
could give the least disturbance to the company; In the 
most grave assembly, no man can expect to find so much 
time past with more silence and gravitie: Some Indians com- 
ming on a time to James Towne in Virginia, it happened, that 
there then sate the Councell to heare causes, and the Indians 
seeing such an assembly, asked what it meant? Answer 
was made, there was held a Match-comaco (which the Indians 
call their place of Councell) the Indian replyed, that they all 
talke at once, but wee doe not so in our Match-comaco. 

Their attire is decent and modest; about their wasts, 
they weare a covering of Deares skinnes, which reacheth 
to their knees, and upon their shoulders a large mantle of 
skinnes, which comes downe to the middle of the legge, and 
some to the heele; in winter they weare it furred, in summer 
without; When men hunt they put off their Mantles, so doe 
the women when they worke, if the weather be hot: The 
women affect to weare chaines and bracelets of beades, some 
of the better sort of them, weare ropes of Pearle about their 
necks, and some hanging in their eares, which are of a large 



88 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

sort, but spoyled with burning the Oysters in the fire, and the 
rude boaring of them. And they and the young men use to 
paint their faces with severall colours, but since the English 
came thither, those about them have quite left it; and in 
many things shew a great inclination to conforme them- 
selves to the English manner of living. The Werowance of 
Paschatoway desired the Governor to send him a man that 
could build him a house like the English, and in sundry re- 
spects, commended our manner of living, as much better 
then their owne: The Werowance of Patuxent, goes fre- 
quently in English Attire, so doth he of Portoback, 1 and 
many others that have bought Clothes of the English: These 
Werowances have made request, that some of their children 
may be brought up amongst the English, and every way, 
shew great demonstrations of friendship, and good affection 
unto them. 

These People acknowledge a God, who is the giver of al 
the good things, wherewith their life is maintained; and to 
him they sacrifice of the first fruits of their Corne, and of 
that which they get by hunting and fishing: The sacrifice 
is performed by an Ancient man, who makes a speech unto 
^heir God (not without something of Barbarisme) which 
being ended, hee burnes part of the sacrifice, and then eates 
of the rest, then the People that are present, eate also, and 
untill the Ceremony be performed, they will not touch one 
bit thereof: They hold the Immortalitie of the soule, and 
that there is a place of Joy, and another of torment after 
death, and that those which kill, steale, or lye, shall goe to 
the place of torment, but those which doe no harme, to the 
good place; where they shall have all sorts of pleasure. 

It happened the last yeere, that some of the Sasqueha- 
nocks and the Wicomesses (who are enemies) met at the 
Hand of Monoponson, 2 where Captaine Cleyborne liveth, they 
all came to trade, and one of the Sasquehanocks did an In- 
jury to a Wicomesse, whereat some of Cleybornes people 
that saw it, did laugh. The Wicomesses seeing themselves 

l Now Port Tobacco, in Charles County. For probable origin of this 
name, see p. 136, note 1, infra. 

2 Probably the Indian name for Kent Island, where Claiborne had a resi- 
dence. Cf. Archives of Maryland, III. 363, 364. 



1634] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 89 

thus injured and despised (as they thought) went away, and 
lay in ambush for the returne of the Sasquehanocks, and 
killed five of them, onely two escaped; and then they re- 
turned againe, and killed three of Cleybornes People, and 
some of his Cattle; about two moneths after this was done, 
the Wicomesses sent a messenger unto his Lordships Gov- 
ernor, to excuse the fact, and to offer satisfaction for the 
harme that was done to the English: The Wicomesse that 
came with the message, brought in his company an Indian, 
of the Towne of Patuxent, which is the next neighbouring 
Towne unto the English at Saint Maries, with whom they 
have good correspondence, and hee spake to the Governour 
in this manner. 

I Am a Native of Patuxent, as this man (whom you know) can 
tell you, true it is, I married a wife amongst the Wicomesses, where 
I have lived ever since, and they have sent me to tell you, that they 
are sorry for the harme, which was lately done by some of their 
people, to the English at Monaponson; and hope you will not make 
the rash act of a few young men (which was done in heate) a quar- 
rell to their Nation, who desire to live in peace and love with you, 
and are ready to make satisfaction for the Injury, desiring to know 
what will give you content, and that they will returne such things 
as were then taken from thence; But withall, they desire you not to 
thinke that they doe this for feare, for they have warres with the 
Sasquehanocks, who have by a surprise, lately killed many of their 
men, but they would not sue to them for peace, intending to revenge 
the injuries, as they could find opportunitie, yet their desire was to 
have peace with the English. 

The Governour returned answere to the Wicomesse; 

Since you acknowledge the Injury, and are sorry for it, and 
onely desire to know what I expect for satisfaction; I tell you I ex- 
pect that those men, who have done this out-rage, should be de- 
livered unto me, to do with them as I shall thinke fit, and likewise 
that you restore all such things as you then tooke from the English; 
and withall, charged him with a second Injury attempted upon 
some of his owne People, since that time, by the Wicomesses. 

The Wicomesse after a little pause, replyed; 

It is the manner amongst us Indians, that if any such like ac- 
cident happen, wee doe redeeme the life of a man that is so slaine, 



90 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1634 

with a 100. armes length of Roanoke (which is a sort of Beades that 
they make, and use for money) and since that you are heere stran- 
gers, and come into our Countrey, you should rather conforme your 
selves to the Customes of our Countrey, then impose yours upon us; 
But as for the second matter, I know nothing of it, nor can give 
any answere thereunto. 

The Governour then told him; 

It seemes you come not sufficiently instructed in the businesse 
which wee have with the Wicomesses, therefore tell them what I 
have said; and that I expect a speedy answere; and so dismist him. 

It fell in the way of my discourse, to speake of the Indian 
money of those parts, It is of two sorts, Wompompeag and 
Roanoake; both of them are made of a fish-shell, that they 
gather by the Sea side. Wompompeag is of the greater sort, 
and Roanoake of the lesser, and the Wompompeag is three 
times the value of Roanoake; and these serve as Gold and 
Silver doe heere; they barter also one commoditie for another, 
and are very glad of trafficke and commerce, so farre as to 
supply their necessities: They shew no great desire of heap- 
ing wealth, yet some they will have to be buryed with them; 
If they were Christians, and would live so free from covet- 
ousnesse, and many other vices which abound in Christen- 
dome, they would be a brave people. 

I therefore conclude, that since God Almighty hath made 
this Countrey so large and fruitfull, and that the people be 
such as you have heard them described; It is much more 
Prudence, and Charity, to Civilize, and make them Chris- 
tians, then to kill, robbe, and hunt them from place to place, 
as you would doe a wolfe. By reducing of them, God shall 
be served, his Majesties Empire enlarged by the addition of 
many thousand Subjects, as well as of large Territories, our 
Nation honoured, and the Planters themselves enriched by the 
tramcke and commerce which may be had with them; and in 
many other things, they may be usefull, but prejudiciall they 
cannot be, if it be not through their owne faults, by negligence 
of fortifying themselves, and not conserving military discipline. 



1633] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 91 



CHAP. VI 

Conditions propounded by the Lord Baltemore, to such as shall 
goe, or adventure into Maryland. 1 



What person soever, subject to our soveraigne Lord the 
King of England, shal be at the charge to transport into the 
Province of Maryland, himselfe or his deputy, with any num- 
ber of able men, betweene the ages of 16 and 50, each man 
being provided in all things necessary for a Plantatio (which, 
together with their transportation, will amount to about 20 
I. a man, as by an estimate hereafter following may ap- 
peare) there shalbe assigned unto every such adventurer, for 
every five men which he shall so transport thither, a propor- 
tion of good land within the said Province, containing in 
quantity 1000 acres of English measure, which shall be erected 
into a Mannor, and be conveyed to him, his heires, and as- 
signes for ever, with all such royalties and priviledges, as are 
usually belonging to Mannors in England; rendring and pay- 
ing yerely unto his Lordship, and his heires for every such 
Mannor, a quit rent of 20 shillings, (to be paid in the Com- 
modities of the Countrey) and such other services as shall be 
generally agreed upon for publike uses, and the common good. 

II 

What person soever, as aforesaid, shall transport him- 
selfe, or any less number of servants then five, (aged, and 
provided as aforesaid) he shall have assigned to him, his 
heires and assignes for ever, for himselfe, 100 acres of good 
land within the said Province; and for and in respect of every 
such servant, 100 acres more, he be holden of his Lordship in 
freehold, paying therefore, a yeerely quit rent of 2 shillings 
for every hundred acres, in the Commodities of the Countrey. 

1 In after years the conditions offered to settlers were more than once 
modified, the later comers receiving less favorable terms than those offered as 
inducements to the first adventurers. 



92 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

III 

Any married man that shall transport himselfe, his wife 
fand children; shall have assigned unto him, his heires and 

i ssignes for ever, in freehold, (as aforesaid) for himself e 100 
[acres; and for his wife 100 acres; and for every child that he 
.shall carry over, under the age of 16 yeeres, 50 acres; paying 

for a quit rent 12 pence for every fifty acres. 

IIII 

Any woman that shall transport herselfe or any children, 
lunder the age of sixe yeeres, shall have the like Conditions as 
aforesaid. 

V 

Any woman that shall carry over any women servants, 
under the age of fourty yeeres, shall have for and in respect 
^of every such woman servant, 50 acres; paying onely a quit 
rent as aforesaid. 

CHAP. VII 

Instructions and advertisements, for such as shall intend to 
goe, or send, to plant in Maryland. 

This Countrey of Maryland, lieth from England to the 
Southwest, about 1200 leagues by Sea: the voyage is some- 
times performed thither in 5 or 6 weekes, but ordinarily it 
is two moneths voyage, and oftner, within that time then 
beyond it. The returne from thence to England, is ordina- 
rily made in a moneth, and seldome exceeds sixe weekes. 

The best time of the yeere for going thither is to be there 
by Michaelmas, or at furthest by Christmas, for he that comes 
by that time shall have time enough to build him a house, 
and to prepare ground sufficient to plant in the spring follow- 
ing. But there is conveniency of passage thither in most 
moneths of the yeere; and any one that will send unto Mr. 
Peasleys, 1 or Master Morgans house, may there be informed 
of the certaine time when any of his Lordships company is 
to goe away, and so save the charge of unnecessary attend- 
ance here in London. 

1 See the Introduction, p. 65, supra. 



1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 93 

A particular of such necessary provisions as every Advent- 
urer must carry, according to the number of his ser- 
vants : together with an estimate of their prices. 1 

In Victualls. 

For one man, for a yeere, 

I— s— d 

Imprimis, eight bushells of meale - 2 — 8 — 

Item, two bushells of Oatmeale ------- — 9 — 

Item, one bushell of Pease -------- — 4 — 

Item, one gallon of Oyle --------- — 3 — 6 

Item, two gallons of Vinegar -------- — 2 — 

Item, one gallon of Aquavitse ------- — 2 — 6 

Item, one bushell of Bay-salt -------- — 2 — 

Item, in Sugar, Spice and Fruit — 6 — 8 

Summ. - - - 3 — 17-8 

In Apparrell. 
For one man, 

1— s— d 
Item, two Munmoth caps or hats ------ — 4 — 



Item 
Item 
Item 
Item 
Item 
Item 
Item 
Item 
Item 
Item 
Item 



three falling Bands --------- — 1 — 3 

three shirts ----------- — 7 — 6 

one Wastcoate - - - - — 2 — 2 

one suite of Canvas -------- — 7 — 6 

one suite of Frize --------- 0-10 — 

one suite of Cloth 0-16 — 

one course cloth, or frize coate ----- 0-15 — 

three paire of stockings ------- — 4 — 

sixe paire of shooes --------- 0-13 — 

Inkle 2 for garters ---- — — 2 

one dozen of points 3 -------- — — 3 

Summ. - - - 4 — 0-10 



1 This list is copied closely from Captain John Smith's Generall Historie of 
Virginia (see Narratives of Early Virginia, pp. 393 et seq.). 

2 Broad tape. 

3 Laces for fastening the clothing. 



94 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

In Bedding. 
For two men, 

1— s— d 

Item, two paire of Canvas sheets ------ 0-16 — 

Item, seven ells of Canvas to make a bed and boulster 

to be filFd in the country -------- — 8 — 

Item, one Rugg for a bed --------- — 8 — 

Item, five ells of course Canvas to make a bed at Sea, 

to bee filFd with straw - — 4 — 

Item, one course Rugg at Sea ------- — 6 — 

Summ. - - - - 2 — 2 — 

whereof one mans part is, -------- 1 — 1 — 

In Armes. 
For one man, 

1— s— d 

Item, one musket ----------- 1 — — 

Item, 10 pound of Powder -------- 0-11 — 

Item, 40 pound of Lead, Bullets, Pistoll and Goose 

shot, of each sort some. --------- — 4 — 

Item, one sword ------------ — 5 — 

Item, one belt ------------- — 1 — 

Item, one bandeleere and flaske ------- — 2 — 

Item, in Match 0—2—6 

Summ. - - - - 2 — 5 — 6 

In Tooles. 

For five persons, and so after the rate for more or lesse. 

. 1— s— d 

Item, 5 broad Howes, at 2 s. a piece ----- 0-10 — 

Item, 5 narrow Howes, at 16 d. a piece - - - - — 6 — 8 

Item, 2 broad Axes, at 3 s. 8 d. a piece - - - - — 7 — 4 

Item, 5 felling Axes, at 1 s. 6 d. a piece - - - - — 7 — 6 

Item, 2 Steele Hand-sawes, at 1 s. 4 d. - - - - — 2 — 8 

Item, Two-handsawes at 5 s. ------- 0-10 — 

Item, a Whip-saw set and filed, with boxe, file and 

wrest --------------- 0-10—0 

Item, 2 Hammers, at 12 d. - - — 2 — 



1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 95 

Item, 3 Shovells, at 1 s. 6 d. - - - - - - - - 0—4—6 

Item, 3 Spades, at 1 s. 6 d. -------- — 4 — 6 

Item, 2 Awgurs, at6d. --------- — 1 — 

Item, 6 Chissells at 6 d. --------- 0—3—0 

Item, 2 Piercers stocked, at4d. ------ o — — 8 

Item, 3 Gimlets, at 2 d. --------- 0—0—6 

Item, 2 Hatchets, at 1 s. 9 d. ------- — 3 — 6 

Item, 2 Frowes 1 to cleave Pales, at 1 s. 6 d. - - - — 3 — 

Item, 2 Hand-bills, at 1 s. 8 d. ------ - 0—3—4 

Item, one Grindstone ---------- — 4 — 

Item, Nailes of all sorts --------- 2 — — 

Item, 2 Pickaxes, at 1 s. 6 d. ------- — 3 — 

Summ. - - - - 6 — 7 — 2 

whereof one mans part is-------- 1 — 5 — 8 

Houshold Implements. 

For 6 persons, and so after the rate, for more 

1— s— d 

Item, one Iron pot ----------- — 7 — 

I Item, one Iron kettle ---------- — 6 — 

Item, one large Frying-pan -------- — 2 — 6 

\ Item, one Gridiron ----------- — 1 — 6 

Item, two Skillets ----------- — 5—0 

Jtem, one Spit ------------ — 2—0 

Item, Platters, Dishes, and spoones of wood - - - — 4 — 

Summ. - - - - 1; — 8 — 

whereof one mans part is, ------- — 4 — 8 

An estimate of the whole charge of transporting one ser- 
vant, and providing him of all necessaries for one 
yeere. 

1. s. d. 

Inprimis, In Victualls ---------- 3-17 — 8 

■ Item, In apparell ----------- 4 — 0-10 

Item, In bedding ------------ 1 — 1 — 

Item, In Armes ------------ 2 — 5 — 6 

Item, In tooles ------------ 1—5 — 8 

1 A frow was a wedge-shaped tool for splitting rails or staves. 



96 . NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

Item, In houshold Implements -------- — 4 — 8 

Item, Caske to put his goods in------- 0-10 — 

Item, fraight for his goods at halfe a tunne - - - 1-10 — 
Item, For his Victuall, and passage by Sea - - - - 6 — — 

20.-15.-4 

Of which charge, the Adventurer having the greatest 
part of it in provision and goods; in case any servant die by 
the way, or shortly after his comming thither, the goods of 
that servant being sold in the Countrey, will returne all his 
charge againe, with advantage. 



A Computation of a servants labour, and the profit that 
may arise by it, by instance in some particulars, which 
may be put in practise the first yeere. 

1.— s.— d. 
One man may at the season plant so much corne, as 
ordinarily yeelds of Wheate 100. bushels, worth 
upon the place, at Two shillings a Bushell, - - 10-0 — 
Of Beanes and Pease, 20. bushels, worth at three 

shillings a bushell, - ____ 3 — — 

The same man will plant of Tobacco, betweene 800. 
and a 1000. weight, which at the lowest rate, at 
two pound 10. shil. the hundred, is worth, - - - 20-0 — 
The same man may within the same yere, in the 
winter, make 4000. of Pipe-staves, worth upon 
the place foure pound the thousand. ----- 16-0 — 

49. 00 00. 

Beside all their other labours in building, fencing, clear- 
ing of ground, raising of Cattell, gardening, etc. 

If a mans labour be imployed in Hempe and Flaxe, it 
will yeeld him as much profit, as Tobacco at this rate; and 
so in many other Commodities, whereof this Countrey is 
capable. 

No man neede to doubt of the vent of these Commodities, 
for Merchants send shipping to those parts, who will buy off 
these Commodities at the aforesaid rates, in as great a quan- 
tise, as they shalbe able to make ready for them; because 



1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 97 

they yeeld a great encrease of profit in other Countreys, 
which the Planters themselves may make advantage of to 
themselves, if they have shipping, and thinke fit to deale in 
such a kind of trade. ; As for instance, a 1000. of Pipe-staves, 
which are rated upon the place at foure pound, being carried 
to the Canaries, will yeeld 15. or 20. I. Where likewise, and 
at the Westerne Islands, the Indian Corne will yeeld a great 
increase of benefit. The benefit also which may be raised 
by trade out of Swine onely, may easily be conceived to be 
very great, seeing they multiplie exceedingly, aske little 
tendance, and lesse charge of keeping in that Countrey, so 
abounding with Mast, Chestnuts, etc. For Porke being trans- 
ported into Spaine, or the Westerne Islands will yeeld about 
6. pence a pound, and Bacon, 8. pence, or 9. pence. 

A note for the Adventurers memory, of such things as hee 
may (if he please) carry with him, either for his owne 
better accommodation (on Ship-board, or for some time 
after his arrivall in Maryland) or for trade, accord- 
ing to his abilitie. 

Provision for Ship-board. 

Fine Wheate-flower, close and well packed, to make pud- 
dings, etc. Clarret-wine burnt. Canary Sacke. Conserves, 
Marmalades, Suckets, and Spices. Sallet Oyle. Prunes to 
stew. Live Poultry. Rice, Butter, Holland-cheese, or old 
Cheshire, gammons of Bacon, Porke, dried Neates-tongues, 
Beefe packed up in Vinegar, some Weather-sheepe, meats 
baked in earthen potts, Leggs of Mutton minced, and stewed, 
and close packed up in tried Sewet, or Butter, in earthen 
pots: Juyce of Limons, etc. 

Provision for trade in Virginia or Maryland. 

If he be minded to furnish himselfe with Cattell in Vir- 
ginia, his best way is to carry a superfluitie of wollen, or 
linnen cloth, callicoes, sayes, hatts, shooes, stockings, and all 
sorts of clothing; of Wine, Sugar, Prunes, Rasins, Currance, 
Honey, Spice, and Grocery wares, with which hee may pro- 
cure himselfe cattell there, according to the stocke he dealeth 



98 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

withall. About 4. or 5. Pound laid out heere in commodities, 
will there buy a Cow; and betweene 20. and 30. shillings, a 
breeding Sow. The like Commodities will furnish him either 
there, or in Maryland, with Hogges, Poultry, and Corne.' Hee 
may doe well also to carry a superfluity of Knives, Combes, 
and Bracelets, to trade with the women Natives; and some 
Hatchets, Howes, and Axes, to trade with the men for Veni- 
son, Fish, Turkies, Corne, Fawnes to store a Parke, etc. 

Provision for his House. 

Iron, and Locks, and Hinges, and bolts; etc. Mustard- 
seede, Glasse and Leade for his windowes, Mault for beere, a 
Hogshead of Beefe or Porke : Two or three Firkins of Butter, 
a hundred or two of old Cheeses; a gallon of honey, Soape 
and Candles, Iron wedges, Pookes 1 for Rennet to make cheese : 
a good Mastiffe, etc. 

Provision for Husbandry. 

Seede Wheate, Rie, Barley, and Oates (the best way to 
preserve it from heating at sea, is to carry it in the eare) Ker- 
nells of Peares and Apples (especially of Pepins, Pearemaines, 
and Dusons) 2 for the making hereafter of Cider, and Perry; 
the stones and seedes of all those fruits and rootes, and herbes, 
which he desireth to have. Good store of claver grasse seede, 
to make good meadow. 

Provision for Fishing and Fowling. 

Inprimis, necessaries for a boate of 3. or 4. Tunne; as 
Spikes, Nayles, Pitch, Tarre, Ocome, Canvis for a sayle, 
Ropes, Anchor, Iron for the Ruther: Fishing-lines for Cod 
and Macrills, etc. Cod-hookes, and Macrill-hookes, a Seane 
or Basse-net, Herring-netts, Leade, Fowling-pieces of sixe 
foote; Powder and Shott, and Flint Stones; a good Water- 
Spaniell, etc. 

A direction for choice of servants. 

In the taking of servants, he may doe well to furnish him- 
selfe with as many as he can, of usefull and necessary Arts: 

1 Ferments used in place of rennet for curdling the milk. 
1 Pippins, pearmains, and deuzans — varieties of apple. 



1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 99 

A Carpenter, of all others the most necessary; A Mill-wright, 
Ship-wright, Boate-wright, Wheele-wright, Brick-maker, Brick- 
layer, Potter: one that can cleave Lath and Pale, and make 
Pipe-staves, etc. A Joyner, Cooper, Turner, Sawyer, Smith, 
Cutler, Leather-dresser, Miller, Fisherman, and Gardiner. 
These will be of most use ; but any lusty young able man, that 
is willing to labour and take paines, although he have no par- 
ticular trade, will be beneficiall enough to his Master. 

And in case any Adventurer shall be unprovided of such 
men to supply his number, hee may have directions at the 
place where these bookes are to bee had, how and where hee 
may provide himselfe of as many as hee please. 

The forme of binding a servant. 

This Indenture made the day of 

in the yeere of our Sover- 

aigne Lord King Charles, etc. betweene 

of the one party, and on 

the other party, Witnesseth, that the said 

doth hereby covenant promise, and grant, to 
and with the said his Executors 

and Assignes, to serve him from the day of the date hereof, 
untill his first and next arrivall in Maryland; and after for 
and during the tearme of yeeres, in such service 

and imployment, as the said or his 

assignes shall there imploy him, according to the custome of 
the Countrey in the like kind. In consideration whereof, the 
said doth promise and grant, to 

and with the said to pay for his 

passing, and to find him with Meat, Drinke, Apparell and 
Lodging, with other necessaries during the said terme; and 
at the end of the said terme, to give him one whole yeeres 
provision of Corne, and fifty acres of Land, according to 
the order of the countrey. In witnesse whereof, the said 

hath 
hereunto put his hand and seale, the day and yeere above 
written. 

Sealed and delivered in 
the presence of 



100 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

The usuall terme of binding a servant, is for five yeers; 
but for any artificer, or one that shall deserve more then ordi- 
nary, the Adventurer shall doe well to shorten that time, and 
adde encouragements of another nature (as he shall see cause) 
rather then to want such usefull men. 



A Forme of a Bill of Lading, to be taken from the Master 
of the Ship, by every Adventurer, for the better securing of 
the transportation of his goods. 

Shipped by the grace of God in good order and well con- 
ditioned by in 
and upon the good Ship, called the 
whereof is master, under God, for this present voyage 

and now riding at 
anker in the and by Gods grace, 

bound for to say being marked and 

numbred, as in the margent, and are to be delivered in the 
like good order and well conditioned, at the Port of Saint 
Maries in Maryland (the danger of the Seas onely excepted) 
unto or to assignes. 

paying fraught for the said goods 
with primage and avarage accus- 
tomed. 1 In witnesse whereof, the Master or Purser of the said 
ship hath affirmed to three Bills of Lading, all of this tenor 
and date, the one of which three bills being accomplished, 
the other two to stand void. And so God send the good Ship 
to her desired Port in safety. Amen. Dated in 

There is order taken for convenient houses to be set up 
at Saint Maries, where all strangers may at their first com- 
ming bee entertained, with lodging and other fitting accom- 
modations, for themselves and their goods, till they can better 
provide for themselves. 

1 Primage and average were small customary additional payments to the 
master of the ship, for his care of the goods. 



M 1 



1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 101 

The names of the Gentlemen adventurers that are gone in person 
to this Plantation. 

/ Leonard Calvert, the governor J his Lordships 
George Calvert, j brothers. 

Jerome Hawley, Esq; J Commissioners . 

Thomas Cornewalhs, Esq; J 

Richard Gerard, son to Sir Thomas Gerard Knight and 

Baronet. 
Edward Wintour, 1 gonnes rf ^ Lad Anne wintouI , 
Freder: Wintour, J J 

Henry Wiseman, son to Sir Thomas Wiseman Knight. 
John Saunders. 
Edward Cranfield. 
Henry Greene. 
Nicholas Ferfax. 
John Baxter. 
Thomas Dorrell." 
Captaine John Hill. 
John Medcalfe. 
William Saire. 



THE CHARTER OF MARY LAND 

Charles by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, 
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To all to whom 
these Presents shall come greeting. 

Whereas Our right Trusty and Wellbeloved Subject Cecilius 
Calvert, Baron of Baltemore in our Kingdom of Ireland, Sonne and 
heire of Sir George Calvert Knight, late Baron of Baltemore in the 
same Kingdome of Ireland, pursuing his Fathers intentions, being 
excited with a laudable and pious zeale for the propagation of the 
Christian Faith, and the enlargement of our Empire and Dominion, 
hath humbly besought leave of Us, by his industry and charge, to 
transport an ample Colony of the English Nation unto a certaine 
Countrey hereafter described, in the parts of America, not yet culti- 
vated and planted, though in some parts thereof inhabited by cer- 
taine barbarous people, having no knowledge of Almighty God, and 
hath humbly besought our Royall Majestie to give, grant, and con- 
firme all the said Countrey, with certaine Priviledges and Jurisdic- 



102 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

tions, requisite for the good government, and state of his Colony, 
and Countrey aforesaid, to him and his heires for ever. 

Know yee therefore, that Wee favouring the Pious, and Noble 
purpose of the said Barons of Baltemore, of our speciall grace, cer- 
taine knowledge, and meere motion, have given, granted, and con- 
firmed, and by this our present Charter, for Us, Our Heires, and Suc- 
cessors, doe give, grant and confirme unto the said Cecilius, now 
Baron of Baltemore, his heires and Assignes, all that part of a Penin- 
sula, lying in the parts of America, betweene the Ocean on the East, 
and the Bay of Chesopeack on the West, and divided from the other 
part thereof, by a right line drawne from the Promontory or Cape 
of Land called Watkins Point (situate in the foresaid Bay, neere the 
river of Wighco) 1 on the West, unto the maine Ocean on the East; 
and betweene that bound on the South, unto that part of Delaware 
Bay on the North, which lieth under the fortieth degree of Northerly 
Latitude from the Equinoctiall, where New-England ends; And all 
that tract of land betweene the bounds aforesaid; that is to say, 
passing from the foresaid Bay, called Delaware Bay, in a right line 
by the degree aforesaid, unto the true Meridian of the first fountaine 
of the River of Pattowmeck, and from thence trending toward the 
South unto the farther banke of the fore-said River, and following 
the West and South side thereof unto a certaine place called Cin- 
quack, 2 situate neere the mouth of the said River, where it falls into 
the Bay of Chesopeack, and from thence by a straight line unto the 
foresaid Promontory, and place called Watkins Point, (So that all 
that tract of land divided by the line aforesaid, drawne betweene the 
maine Ocean, and Watkins Point unto the Promontory called Cape 
Charles, and all its apurtenances, doe remaine intirely excepted to 
us, our heires, and Successors for ever.) 

Wee doe also grant and confirme unto the said now Lord Balte- 
more, his heires and Assignes, all Hands, and Iletts within the limitts 
aforesaid, and all and singular the Hands and Iletts, which are, or shall 
be in the Ocean, within 10. Leagues from the Easterne shoare of the 
said Countrey, towards the East, with all and singular Ports, Har- 
bors, Bayes, Rivers, and Inletts, belonging unto the Countrey, or 

1 Now called Pocomoke River. 

2 Uncertainty as to the exact location of the points named and changes in the 
shore line from the action of the tides led to long disputes with Virginia as to the 
position of the boundary across the Chesapeake Bay and on its eastern shore. 
The matter was finally determined in 1877 by arbitrators appointed on behalf of 
the two states. The agreement thus reached was ratified by the General As- 
sembly of Maryland, subject to ratification by Virginia and the Congress of the 
United States, in 1878 (acts of Assembly, chapter 374), and provision made for sur- 
veying and marking the boundary. 



1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 103 

Hands aforesaid: And all the Soile, lands, Fields, Woods, Moun- 
taines, Fennes, Lakes, Rivers Bayes, and Inletts, situate, or being 
within the bounds, and limits aforesaid, with the fishing of all sorts 
of fish, Whales, Sturgeons, and all other royal fishes in the Sea, Bays, 
Inletts, or Rivers, within the premises: and the fish therein taken: 
and moreover all Veines, Mines, and Quarries, as well discovered, 
as not discovered, of Gold, Silver, Gemmes, and pretious stones, and 
all other whatsoever, be it of Stones, Mettalls, or of any other thing, 
or matter whatsoever, found, or to bee found within the Countrey, 
lies, and limits aforesaid. And Furthermore the Patronages and 
Advowsons of all Churches, which (as Christian Religion shall 
encrease within the Countrey, lies, Iletts, and limits aforesaid) shall 
happen hereafter to bee erected: together with licence and power, 
to build and found Churches, Chappells, and Oratories, in conven- 
ient and fit places within the premises, and to cause them to be 
dedicated, and consecrated according to the Ecclesiasticall Lawes 
of our Kingdome of England: Together with all and singular the 
like, and as ample rights, Jurisdictions, Priviledges, Prerogatives, 
Royalties, Liberties Immunities, Royall rights, and franchises of 
what kind soever temporall, as well by Sea, as by land, within the 
Countrey, lies, Iletts, and limits aforesaid; To have, exercise, use 
and enjoy the same, as amply as any Bishop of Durham, within the 
Bishoprick, or County Palatine of Durham, 1 in our Kingdome of 
England, hath at any time heretofore had, held, used, or enjoyed, or 
of right ought, or might have had, held, used, or enjoyed. 

And him the said now Lord Baltemore, his Heires and Assignes, 
Wee doe by these Presents for Us, Our Heires and Successors, make, 
create, and constitute the true and absolute Lords, and Proprietaries 
of the Countrey aforesaid, and of all other the Premises, (except 
before excepted) saving alwayes, the faith and allegeance, and So- 
veraigne dominion due unto Us, Our Heires and Successors. 

To have, hold, possesse, and enjoy the sayd Countrey, lies, 
Iletts, and other the Premises, unto the said now Lord Baltemore, 

1 Durham was erected into a county palatine by William the Conqueror. It 
was specially referred to in the text as a means of defining the authority conferred 
upon the Lord Baltimore in Maryland for the reason that it was the sole one of 
the ancient palatinates in England remaining, the others, Chester and Lancaster, 
having been united to the Crown. Special power and almost independent au- 
thority as counts palatine were bestowed upon lords occupying frontier posi- 
tions, so that they might act quickly for defense. For this reason William 
of Normandy conferred palatine rank upon the Bishop of Durham, near the 
border of Scotland, and upon the Earl of Chester, near the border of Wales. 
The palatine jurisdiction of the Bishop of Durham was not wholly abrogated until 
1S36. 



104 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

his heires and assignes, to the sole and proper use and behoofe of 
him the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes for ever. 

To bee holden of Us, Our Heires, and Successors, Kings of Eng- 
land, as of Our Castle of Windsor, in Our County of Berkshire, in 
free and common soccage, 1 by fealty onely, for all services, and not 
in Capite, or by Knights Service: Yeelding and paying therefore to 
Us, our Heires and Successors, two Indian Arrowes of those parts, 
to be delivered at Our said Castle of Windsor, every yeere on the 
Tuesday in Easter weeke; and also the fifth part of all Gold and 
Silver Oare within the limits aforesaid, which shall from time to 
time happen to be found. 

Now that the said Countrey thus by Us granted, and described, 
may be eminent above all other parts of the said territory, and dig- 
nified with larger titles : Know yee that wee of our further grace, cer- 
taine knowledge, and meere motion, have thought fit to erect the 
same Countrey and Hands into a Province, as out of the fullnesse of 
Our royall Power, and Prerogative, Wee doe, for Us, Our Heires, 
and Successors, erect, and incorporate them into a Province, and 
doe call it Mary land, and So from henceforth will have it called. 

And forasmuch as Wee have hereby made, and ordained the 
foresaid now Lord Baltemore, the true Lord, and Proprietary of all 
the Province aforesaid: Know yee therefore moreover, that Wee, 
reposing especiall trust and confidence in the fidelitie, wisedome, 
Justice, and Provident circumspection of the said now Lord Balte- 
more, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, doe grant free, full, and 
absolute power, by vertue of these Presents, to him and his heires, 
for the good and happy government of the said Province, to ordaine, 
make, enact, and under his and their seales to publish any Lawes 
whatsoever, appertaining either unto the publike State of the said 
Province, or unto the private utility of particular Persons, according 
unto their best discretions, of and with the advise assent and ap- 
probation of the Free-men of the said Province, or the greater part 
of them, or of their delegates or deputies, whom for the enacting of 
the said Lawes, when, and as often as neede shall require, We will that 
the said now Lord Baltemore, and his heires, shall assemble in such 
sort and forme, as to him or them shall seeme best: And the same 

1 Free and common socage is a feudal tenure and differs from a tenure in 
capite by knights' service only in that the uncertain military service required by 
the latter is, under the former, commuted for a fixed tribute, which in this case 
consisted only of the two Indian arrows, annually, as mentioned above, and one- 
fifth part of the precious metals mined should any be discovered. A number 
of receipts for the Indian arrows delivered from year to year at Windsor Castle 
are now in the possession of the Maryland Historical Society. The province of 
Avalon in Newfoundland was held by Lord Baltimore in capite. 



1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 105 

lawes duly to execute upon all people, within the said Province, and 
limits thereof, for the time being, or that shall be constituted under 
the government, and power of him or them, either sayling towards 
Mary-land, or returning from thence toward England, or any other 
of Ours, or forraine Dominions, by imposition of Penalties, Im- 
prisonment, or any other punishment; yea, if it shall be needfull, 
and that the quality of the offence require it, by taking away mem- 
ber or life, either by him the said now Lord Baltemore, and his heires, 
or by his or their Deputies, Lieutenants, Judges, Justices, Magis- 
trates, Officers, and Ministers to be ordained or appointed, accord- 
ing to the Tenor, and true intention of these Presents: And likewise 
to appoint and establish any Judges and Justices, Magistrates and 
Officers whatsoever, at sea and Land, for what causes soever, and 
with what power soever, and in such forme, as to the said now Lord 
Baltemore, or his heires, shall seeme most convenient: Also to remit, 
release, pardon, and abolish, whether before Judgment, or after, all 
crimes or offences whatsoever, against the said Lawes: and to doe 
all and every other thing or things, which unto the compleate estab- 
lishment of Justice, unto Courts, Prsetories, and Tribunals, formes 
of Judicature and maners of proceeding, do belong: although in these 
Presents expresse mention be not made thereof, and by Judges by 
them delegated, to award Processe, hold Pleas, and determine in all 
the said Courts and Tribunalls, all actions, suits, and causes whatso- 
ever, as well criminall as civill, personall, reall, mixt, and prsetoriall; 
which laws, so as aforesaid to be published, Our pleasure is, and so 
We enjoyne, require, and command, shall be most absolute and avail- 
able in Law, and that all the Liege people, and subjects of Us, Our 
Heires and Successors, doe observe and keepe the same inviolably, 
in those parts, so farre as they concerne them, under the paines there- 
in expressed, or to be expressed: Provided neverthelesse, that the 
said Lawes be consonant to reason, and be not repugnant or con- 
trary, but as neere as conveniently may be, agreeable to the Lawes, 
Statutes, Customes, and Rights of this our Kingdome of England. 

And forasmuch, as in the Government of so great a Province, 
suddaine accidents doe often happen, whereunto it will be necessary 
to apply a remedy, before the Free-holders of the said Province, 
their Delegates, or Deputies, can be assembled to the making of 
Lawes, neither will it be convenient, that instantly upon every such 
emergent occasion, so great a multitude should be called together: 
Therefore for the better government of the said Province, Wee will 
and ordaine, and by these Presents for Us, Our Heires and Succes- 
sors, doe grant unto the said now Lord Baltemore, and his heires, 
that the said now Lord Baltemore and his heires, by themselves, or 
by their Magistrates and Officers in that behalfe duely to be or- 



106 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

dained as aforesaid, may make and constitute, fit and wholesome 
Ordinances, from time to time, within the said Province, to be kept 
and observed, as well for the preservation of the Peace, as for the 
better government of the people there inhabiting, and publikely to 
notice the same to all persons, whom the same doth, or any way 
may concerne; which Ordinances, Our pleasure is, shall be ob- 
served inviolably within the said Province, under the paines therein 
to bee expressed. So as the said Ordinances be consonant to reason, 
and be not repugnant nor contrary, but so farre as conveniently may 
be, agreeable with the Lawes and Statutes of Our Kingdome of 
England, and so as the said Ordinances be not extended, in any sort 
to bind, charge, or take away the right or interest of any person, or 
persons, of, or in their Life, Member, Free-hold, Goods, or Chattells. 

Furthermore, that this new Colony may the more happily en- 
crease by the multitude of people resorting thither, and may like- 
wise be the more strongly defended from the incursions of Salvages, 
or other enemies, Pyrates and Robbers: Therefore Wee, for Us, 
Our Heires and Successors, doe give and grant by the Presents, 
Power, licence, and liberty unto all the liege people, and subjects, 
both present, and future, of Us, Our Heires, and Successors (except- 
ing those who shall be specially forbidden) to transport themselves 
and families unto the said Province, with convenient shipping, and 
fitting provisions, and there to settle themselves, dwell and inhabite, 
and to build, and fortifie Castles, Forts, and other places of strength, 
for the publike, and their owne private defence, at the appointment of 
the said now Lord Baltemore, and his heires, the Statute of fugi- 
tives, or any other whatsoever, to the contrary of the premises, in 
any wise notwithstanding. 

And wee will also, and of Our more speciall grace, for Us, Our 
Heires, and Successors, wee doe straightly enjoyne, constitute, or- 
daine, and command, that the said Province shall be of Our Alle- 
giance, and that all and singular the Subjects, and Liege people of 
Us, Our Heires, and Successors, transported, or to be transported 
into the said Province, and the children of them, and of such as shall 
descend from them, there already borne, or hereafter to be borne, bee, 
and shall be Denizens, and Lieges of Us, Our Heires, and Succes- 
sors, of Our Kingdome of England, and Ireland, and be in all things 
held, treated, reputed, and esteemed as the liege faithfull people of 
Us, Our Heires, and Successors, borne within Our Kingdome of 
England: and likewise any Lands, Tenements, Revenues, Services, 
and other hereditaments whatsoever, within Our Kingdome of Eng- 
land, and other Our Dominions, may inherite, or otherwise purchase, 
receive, take, have, hold, buy, and possesse, and them may occupy, 
and enjoy, give, sell, aliene, and bequeath, as likewise, all Liberties, 



1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 107 

Franchises, and Priviledges, of this Our Kingdome of England, 
freely, quietly, and peaceably, have and possesse, occupy and enjoy, 
as Our liege people, borne, or to be borne, within Our said King- 
dome of England without the let, molestation, vexation, trouble, or 
grievance of Us, Our Heires and Successors: any Statute, Act, Ordi- 
nance, or Provision to the contrary hereof notwithstanding. 

And furthermore, That Our Subjects may be the rather encour- 
aged to undertake this expedition, with ready and cheerfull minds; 
Know yee, that We of Our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and 
meere motion, doe give and grant, by vertue of these presents, as 
well unto the said now Lord Baltemore and his Heires, as to all other 
that shall from time to time repaire unto that province, with a pur- 
pose to inhabite there, or to trade with the Natives of the said Prov- 
ince, full licence to Lade and Fraight in any Ports whatsoever, 
of Us, Our Heires and Successors, and into the said Province of 
Mary land, by them, their servants or assignes, to transport, all and 
singular, their Goods, Wares, and Merchandize; as likewise all sorts 
of graine whatsoever, and any other things whatsoever, necessary 
for food or clothing (not prohibited by the Laws and Statutes of 
our Kingdomes and Dominions to bee carried out of the said king- 
domes) without any lett, or molestation of Us, Our Heires, or Suc- 
cessors, or of any of the officers of Us, Our Heires, or Successors; 
(saving alwayes, to Us, Our Heires and Successors, the Impositions, 
Customes, and other duties and payments for the said Wares and 
Merchandise) any Statute, Act, Ordinance or other thing whatso- 
ever to the contrary notwithstanding. 

And because in so remote a Countrey, and situate amongst so 
many barbarous nations, the incursions as well of the Salvages them- 
selves, as of other enimies, pyrates and robbers, may probably be 
feared: Therefore Wee have given, and for Us, Our Heires, and 
Successors, doe give power by these presents, unto the now Lord 
Baltemore, his heires and assignes, by themselves, or their Captaines, 
or other their officers, to Leavy, Muster and Traine, all sorts of men, 
of what condition, or wheresoever borne, in the said Province of 
Mary-land for the time being, and to make warre, and to pursue the 
Enemies and Robbers aforesaid, as well by sea as by land, yea, even 
without the limits of the said Province, and (by Gods assistance) 
to vanquish and take them, and being taken, to put them to death 
by the Law of warre, or to save them at their pleasure, and to doe 
all and every other thing which unto the charge and office of a Cap- 
taine Generall of an Army belongeth, or hath accustomed to belong, 
as fully and freely as any Captaine Generall of any army hath ever 
had the same. 

Also, Our Will and Pleasure is, and by this Our Charter, We 



108 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

doe give unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires, and as- 
signes, full power, liberty, and authority, in case of Rebellion, Tu- 
mult, or Sedition, if any should happen (which God forbid) either 
upon the land within the Province aforesaid, or upon the maine sea, 
in making a voyage thither, or returning from thence, by themselves, 
or their captaines, deputies, or other officers, to be authorized under 
their seales for that purpose (to whom we also, for Us, Our Heires and 
Successors doe give and grant by these presents, full power and au- 
thority) to exercise Martiall Law against mutinous and seditious 
persons of those parts, such as shall refuse to submit themselves to 
his, or their government, or shall refuse to serve in the warres, or 
shall flie to the Enemy, or forsake their Ensignes, or be loyterers, or 
straglers, or otherwise howsoever offending against the Law, Cus- 
tome, and Discipline military, as freely, and in as ample manner and 
forme, as any Captaine generall of an army by vertue of his office 
might, or hath accustomed to use the same. 

Furthermore, That the way to honors and dignities, may not 
seeme to be altogether precluded and shut up, to men well borne, 
and such as shall prepare themselves unto this present Plantation, 
and shall desire to deserve well of Us, and Our Kingdomes, both in 
peace and war, in so farre distant and remote a Countrey: There- 
fore Wee, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, doe give free, and abso- 
lute power,unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes, 
to conferre favours, rewards, and honors, upon such inhabitants 
within the Province aforesaid, as shall deserve the same; and to 
invest them, with what titles and dignities soever, as he shall thinke 
fit (so as they be not such as are now used in England). As likewise 
to erect and incorporate, Townes into Boroughes, and Boroughs 
into Cities, with convenient priviledges and immunities, according to 
the merit of the inhabitants, and the fitnesse of the places, and to doe 
all and every other thing or things, touching the premises, which to 
him, or them, shall seeme meete and requisite; albeit they be such as 
of their owne nature might otherwise require a more speciall com- 
mandement and warrant, then in these Presents is expressed. 

Wee will also, and by these Presents, for Us Our Heires and 
Successors, Wee doe give and grant licence, and by this Our Charter, 
unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes, and to all 
the inhabitants and dwellers in the Province aforesaid, both present 
and to come, to import, or unlade, by themselves, or their servants, 
factors, or assignes, all Merchandizes and Goods whatsoever, that 
shall arise of the fruits and commodities of the said Province, either 
by land or sea, into any of the ports of Us, Our Heires and Succes- 
sors, in Our kingdomes of England, or Ireland, or otherwise to dis- 
pose of the said goods, in the said Ports, and if need be, within one 



1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 109 

yeere next after the unlading of the same, to lade the said merchan- 
dizes and goods againe, into the same or other ships, and to export 
the same into any other Countreys, either of our Dominion or for- 
reigne, (being in Amity with Us, Our Heires and Successors) Provided 
alwayes, that they pay such Customes, Impositions Subsidies and 
Duties for the same, to Us, Our Heires and Successors, as the rest of 
Our Subjects of Our Kingdome of England, for the time being, shall 
be bound to pay: beyond which, We will not that the inhabitants of 
the foresaid Province of Mary-land, all be any way charged. 

And furthermore, of Our more ample and special! Grace, cer- 
taine knowledge, and meere motion, Wee doe, for Us, Our Heires 
and Successors, grant unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires 
and assignes, full and absolute power and authority to make, erect, 
and constitute, within the Province of Mary-land, and the lies and 
Iletts aforesaid, such, and so many Seaports, Harbours, Creekes, 
and other places, for discharge and unlading of goods and merchan- 
dises, out of Ships, Boates, and other vessells — and lading them, and 
in such and so many places, and with such Rights, Jurisdictions, 
Liberties and Priviledges unto the said ports belonging,*as to him or 
them shall seeme most expedient. And that all and singular the 
Ships, Boats, and other Vessells, which shall come for merchandize 
and trade unto the said Province, or out of the same shall depart; 
shall be laden and unladen only at such Ports as shall be so erected 
and constituted by the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires or as- 
signes, any Use, Custome, or other thing to the contrary notwith- 
standing; saving alwayes unto Us, Our heires and Successors, and 
to all the Subjects (of Our Kingdome of England and Ireland) of 
Us, Our Heires and Successors, free liberty of fishing for Sea-fish, 
as well in the Sea, Bayes, Inletts, and navigable Rivers as in the 
Harbours, Bayes and Creekes of the Province aforesaid, and the 
Priviledges of salting and drying their fish on the shore of the said 
Province; and for the same cause, to cut and take underwood, or 
twiggs there growing, and to build Cottages and Shedds necessary 
in this behalfe, as they heretofore have, or might reasonably have 
used; which Liberties and Priviledges, never thelesse, the Subjects 
aforesaid, of Us, Our Heires and Successors, shall enjoy without any 
notable dammage, or injury, to be done to the said now Lord Balte- 
more, his heires, or assignes, or to the dwellers and inhabitants of the 
said Province, in the Ports, Creekes and shores aforesaid, and espe- 
cially in the woods and Copses growing within the said Province : And 
if any shall doe any such dammage, or injury, he shall incurre the 
heavy displeasure of Us, Our Heires and Successors, the punishment 
of the Lawes; and shall moreover make satisfaction. 

Wee doe furthermore, will, appoint, and ordaine, and by these 



110 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

Presents, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, Wee doe grant unto the 
said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes, that he the said 
Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes, may from time to time for 
ever, have and enjoy, the Customes and Subsidies, in the Ports, Har- 
bours, and other Creekes and places aforesaid, within the Province 
aforesaid; payable, or due for Merchandizes and wares, there to be 
laded or unladed, the said Customes and Subsidies to be reasonably 
assessed (upon any occasion) by themselves and the people there, as 
aforesaid; to whom we give power by these Presents, for Us, Our 
Heires and Successors upon just cause, and in due proportion, to 
assesse and impose the same. 

And further, of Our speciall grace, and of Our certaine knowl- 
edge, and meere motion, Wee have given granted, and confirmed, and 
by these Presents for Us, Our Heires and Successors, doe give, grant, 
and confirme unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and 
assignes, full and absolute licence, power, and authoritie, that hee the 
said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes, from time to 
time hereafter for ever, at his, or their will, and pleasure, may assigne, 
aliene, grant, demise, or enfeoffe of the Premises so many, and such 
parts and parcells, to him or them that shall be willing to purchase 
the same, as they shall thinke fit, to have and to hold to them the 
sayd person, or persons, willing to take or purchase the same, their 
heirs and assignes in fee simple, or fee taile, or for terme of life, or 
lives, or yeeres, to bee held of the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires, 
and assignes, by such services, customes, and rents, as shall seeme 
fit to the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes; and not 
immediately of Us, Our Heires or Successors: and to the same per- 
son or persons, and to all and every of them, Wee doe give and grant 
by these Presents for Us, Our Heires and Successors, licence, authori- 
tie, and power, that such person or persons, may take the premises, 
or any parcell thereof, of the foresaid now Lord Baltemore, his heires 
or assignes, and the same hold to themselves, their heirs, or assignes, 
(in what estate of inheritance soever, in fee simple, or in fee taile, or 
otherwise, as to them, and the now Lord Baltemore, his heires and 
assignes, shall seeme expedient) of the said now Lord Baltemore, his 
heires and assignes; the statute made in the Parliament of Edward, 
Sonne of King Henry, late King of England, Our Predecessor, com- 
monly called the Statute Quia emptores terrarum, 1 lately published 
in Our Kingdome of England, or any other Statute, Acte, Ordinance, 
Use, Law, or Custome, or any other thing, cause, or matter thereupon 
heretofore had, done, published, ordained, or provided to the con- 
trary, in any wise notwithstanding; And by these Presents, We give, 
and grant licence unto the said now Lord Baltemore, and his heires, 
1 Statute of Edward I., A. D. 1290, to prevent further sub-infeudation. 



1635] A RELATION OF MARYLAND 111 

to erect any parcells of land within the Province aforesaid, into Man- 
nors and in every of the said Mannors, to have, and to hold a Court 
Baron, with all things whatsoever, which to a Court Baron doe belong, 
and to have and hold viewe of Franck-pledge, (for the conservation 
of the peace, and the better government of those Parts,) by them- 
selves or their stewards, or by the Lords for the time being of other 
Mannors, to bee deputed when they shall bee erected: and in the 
same, to use all things belonging to View of Franck-Pledge. 

And further, Our pleasure is, and by these Presents, for Us, Our 
Heires, and Successors, wee doe covenant and grant to and with the 
said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes; That Wee, Our 
Heires and Successors, shall at no time hereafter, set, or make, or 
cause to be set, any Imposition, Custome, or other Taxation, Rate, 
or Contribution whatsoever, in or upon the dwellers and inhabitants 
of the foresaid Province, for their Lands, Tenements, goods or Chat- 
tells within the said Province, or in or upon any goods or merchan- 
dizes, within the said Province, or to be laden, or unladen within any 
the Ports or harbours of the said Province: And Our pleasure is, 
and for Us, Our Heires, and Successors, Wee charge and command, 
that this Our Declaration shall be henceforward from time to time 
received, and allowed in all Our Courts, and before all the Judges 
of Us Our Heires and Successors, for a sufficient and lawfull dis- 
charge, payment, and acquittance; Commanding all and singular, 
our Officers and Ministers of Us, Our Heires and Successors, and 
enjoyning them upon paine of Our high displeasure, that they doe 
not presume at any time to attempt any thing to the contrary of the 
premises, or that they doe in any sort, withstand the same, but that they 
be at all times ayding and assisting, as is fitting, unto the said now 
Lord Baltemore, and his heires, and to the Inhabitants, and Mer- 
chants of Mary-land aforesaid, their servants, ministers, factors and as- 
signees, in the full use and fruition of the benefit of this Our Charter. 

And further, Our pleasure is, and by these Presents for Us, 
Our Heires and Successors Wee doe grant unto the said now Lord 
Baltemore, his heires and assignes, and to the Tenants, and Inhabi- 
tants of the said Province of Mary-land, both present, and to come, 
and to every of them, that the said Province, Tenants, and Inhabi- 
tants of the said Colony or Countrey, shall not from henceforth bee 
held or reputed as a member, or a part of the land of Virginia, or 
of any other Colony whatsoever, now transported or hereafter to be 
transported, nor shall be depending on, or subject to their govern- 
ment in any thing, from whom Wee doe separate that, and them, and 
Our pleasure is, by these Presents that they bee separated, and that 
they be subject immediately to Our Crowne of England, as depending 
thereof for ever. 



112 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1635 

And if perchance hereafter it should happen, that any doubts 
or questions should arise, concerning the true sence and understand- 
ing of any word, clause, or sentence contained in this Our present 
Charter, Wee will, ordaine, and command, that at all times, and in all 
things, such Interpretation bee made thereof, and allowed in any of 
Our Courts whatsoever, as shall be judged most advantagious, and 
favourable unto the said now Lord Baltemore, his heires and assignes. 
Provided alwayes, that no Interpretation bee admitted thereof, by 
which Gods Holy and Truely Christian Religion, or the allegiance 
due unto Us, Our Heires and Successors, may in any thing suffer 
any prejudice, or diminution. 

Although expresse mention bee not made in these Presents, of 
the true yeerely value, or certainty of the premises, or of any part 
thereof, or of other gifts and grants, made by Us, Our Heires, and 
Predecessors, unto the said now Lord Baltemore, or any Statute, 
Acte, Ordinance, Provision, Proclamation, or restraint heretofore 
had, made, published, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, 
cause, or matter whatsoever to the contrary thereof in any wise 
notwithstanding. 

In witnesse whereof, Wee have caused these Our Letters to bee 
made Pattents. Witnesse Our selfe at Westminster, the Twentieth 
day of June, in the Eighth yeere of Our Reigne. 1 

1 I. e., June 20, 1632. 



EXTRACTS FROM THE ANNUAL LETTERS OF 
THE ENGLISH PROVINCE OF THE SOCIETY 
OF JESUS, 1634, 1638, 1639, 1640, 1642, 1654, 
1656, 1681 

3 •.. ■ ''■ 



INTRODUCTION 

The Annual Letters of the Provincials of the Society of 
Jesus are the reports which they were required to make to 
the General of the Society at Rome of the chief events of the 
province during the preceding year, and in particular of the 
results accomplished by the Jesuit fathers in the missionary 
fields. The letters of the Provincials are compilations from 
the reports which they themselves received from those under 
their jurisdiction. The Maryland mission was included in the 
English province, and therefore reports concerning it are con- 
tained in the letters of the English Provincial. The extracts 
which follow are the portions of the letters for the years in- 
dicated which relate to Maryland. 

In view of the intolerant spirit of the age, great caution 
was observed in the preparation of these letters to avoid the 
designation of individuals by their proper names, lest they 
should be brought into trouble if the letters should go astray. 
In the letter of 1634, for instance, Lord Baltimore is referred 
to merely as "a certain Catholic Baron"; and throughout 
these extracts the names of converts, except those of Indi- 
ans, are uniformly omitted. For the same reason the letters 
are without signature. The Jesuit fathers usually travelled 
under fictitious names, and were often known by different 
names in different localities. When proper names of per- 
sons appear in the letters they are generally assumed, the 
correct names, as a sort of key to the letter, being sent in a 
separate communication. 1 The Father Philip Fisher men- 

1 Hughes, History of the Society of Jesus in North America, Text, I. 52. 

US 



116 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

tioned in the letters was known in Maryland as Thomas 
Copley. The real name of Father John Brock was Morgan; 
and Father John Gravener is believed to be the same as 
Father John Altham, who was the companion of Father White 
in the first voyage. 

In the letter of 1639, mention is made of the gift to the 
Jesuit fathers by the King of Patuxent of the plantation 
of Metapannay, 1 afterward referred to as a farm. This and 
other gifts or cessions of land by the Indians to the mission- 
aries, or rather to the Society of Jesus, led to a sharp conten- 
tion between them and Lord Baltimore, who as absolute lord 
and proprietary of the province, under letters patent from 
the King of England, maintained that no one could hold title 
to land in Maryland except under grant from him. The con- 
tention of the clergy, or their view of the question involved, 
is expressed in the letter of 1642 where it is complained that 
there were those who "have not feared to violate the immu- 
nities of the Church, by using their endeavors that laws of 
the kind formerly passed in England and unjustly observed 
there, may obtain like force here, to wit: that it shall not be 
lawful for any person or community, even ecclesiastical, in 
anywise, even by gift, to acquire or possess any land unless 
the permission of the Civil Magistrate first be obtained." 

Lord Baltimore was so much in earnest in the matter, 
and in his apprehensions as to the possible results of encroach- 
ment upon his rights by a religious corporation or community, 
that he went so far as to appeal to the Congregatio de Propa- 
ganda Fide at Rome for the recall of the Jesuit missionaries 
and the sending of secular priests in their stead. 2 But the 
matter being referred to Father Henry More (great-grandson 
of Sir Thomas More, Lord High Chancellor of England), who 
was then Provincial of the English province, he conceded the 

1 Mattapany. 

2 FoleY, Records of the English Province S. J., III. 366. 



INTRODUCTION 117 

justice of Lord Baltimore's contention, caused to be released 
all lands obtained from the Indians, and directed that grants 
from the Lord Proprietary be accepted by the priests as ten- 
ants under him. 1 This question being thus settled, the mis- 
sions in Maryland continued to be served by the Jesuit fathers. 

In the letter of 1654 there is mention of the hanging of a 
woman, accused of sorcery on account of the disablement of 
a vessel bound to Maryland upon which she was a passenger. 
This occurred near Barbados, outside the jurisdiction of Mary- 
land. Existing records do not show that any one was ever 
executed for sorcery or witchcraft in the province, though 
there are records of two trials of persons accused of being 
guilty of executions for these causes on the high seas. 

All of the extracts here printed, except those from the letters 
of 1634 and 1681, were published from transcripts made in 
Rome by Father McSherry, S. J., in 1832, both the Latin text 
and a translation thereof, by the Maryland Historical Society 
in Fund Publication no. 7 and the supplement thereto. The 
Latin text of the extract from the letter of 1634, and a por- 
tion of that of 1681, were printed by the same society in its 
Fund Publication no. 35 (Calvert Papers no. 3), Appendix A, 
from notes furnished by Father Thomas Hughes, S. J. Eng- 
lish translations of them all are contained in Records of the 
English Province of the Society of Jesus, by Brother Henry 
Foley, S. J. (vol. III., London, 1878). The translations in 
this volume have been carefully revised throughout by collat- 
ing with the Latin text given in the History of the Society of 
Jesus in North America, by Father Thomas Hughes, S. J. 
(1907), Documents, I., pt. I., 107-136. 

C. C. H. 

1 Stonyhurst MSS. Anglia, IV. 108 f, 108 g, printed in Johnson's Foundation 
of Maryland (Maryland Historical Society, Fund Publication no. 18, pp. 84, 87). 



EXTRACTS FROM THE ANNUAL LETTERS OF 
THE ENGLISH PROVINCE OF THE SOCIETY 
OF JESUS, 1634, 1638, 1639, 1640, 1642, 1654, 
1656, 1681 

From the Annual Letter of 1634. 

Last year, by the good grace and authority of the King, 
and under the auspices of a certain Catholic baron, a con- 
siderable colony of Englishmen, largely Catholics, was taken 
out to the hither shores of America. With them went two 
priests of Ours, with a coadjutor; another priest and another 
coadjutor followed. Their purpose was, not only to work 
among the colonists, but also to devote themselves to pro- 
curing the conversion and salvation of the barbarians. For 
the promotion of this pious undertaking, many Catholics 
showed great liberality, and contributed money as well as 
servants, these latter being of the first necessity there. In 
the case of a certain servant it seems to have happened not 
without divine providence that he was found by those of 
Ours who sailed last. Our lay-brother had known him in 
Belgium, and had found him an industrious and faithful 
man. Therefore, while preparing himself for departure, he 
used all diligence to seek him out. But when there seemed 
now to be no further hope of finding the man, going on board 
a ship which was carrying fresh supplies to several colonies, 
he unexpectedly came upon the man. This person, on ac- 
count of the open profession of his faith, had fallen into ex- 
treme misery, chiefly because he would by no means bind 
himself by the oath which they call that of allegiance. So 
he was being sent out of the country, according to the usual 
course in the charge of a certain heretical merchant, to be 
sold at his will in some heretical colony. Recognizing him, 
our brother redeems him, and takes him with him as a com- 

n8 



1638] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 119 

panion upon his voyage, as one rescued from the very jaws 
of hell and filled with extreme joy. 

Furthermore two priests of Ours were assigned this year 
as companions to a certain gentleman who went to explore 
unknown lands. They with great courage performed an un- 
comfortable voyage of about eight months, both much shaken 
in health, with spells of illness, and gave us no slight hope of 
reaping ultimately an abundant harvest, in ample and excel- 
lent regions. 1 

From the Annual Letter oj 1638. 2 

Four fathers belonged to this mission, with one coadjutor 
in temporal concerns. And he indeed, after enduring severe 
toils for the space of five years with the greatest patience, 
humility and ardent love, chanced to be seized by the disease 
prevailing at the time, and happily exchanged this wretched 
life for an immortal one. 

He was also shortly followed by one of the fathers, who 
was young indeed, but on account of his remarkable qualities 
of mind, evidently of great promise. He had scarcely spent 
two months in this mission, when, to the great grief of all, 
he was carried off by the common sickness prevailing in the 
colony, from which no one of the three remaining priests has 
escaped unharmed; yet we have not ceased to labor, to the 
best of our ability, among the neighboring people. 

And though the rulers of this colony have not yet allowed 
us to dwell among the savages, both on account of the pre- 
vailing sicknesses, and also because of the hostile acts which 
the barbarians commit against the English, they having slain 
a man from this colony, who was staying among them for the 
sake of trading, and having also entered into a conspiracy 
against our whole nation; yet we hope that one of Ours will 
shortly secure a station among the barbarians. Meanwhile, 
we devote ourselves more zealously to the English; and since 

1 This expedition was probably to Virginia, and the gentleman referred to is 
supposed to be George Calvert, the brother of Lord Baltimore. The time men- 
tioned apparently included that required for the return voyage to England. 
Hughes, History of the Society of Jesus in North America, Text, I. 272. 

3 By Father Edward Knott, Provincial of the English Province, S. J. 



120 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1638 

there are Protestants as well as Catholics in the colony, we 
have labored for both, and God has blessed our labors. - 

For, among the Protestants, nearly all who have come 
from England in this year 1638, and many others, have been 
converted to the faith, together with four servants, whom we 
purchased in Virginia, (another colony of our kingdom,) for 
necessary services, and five mechanics, whom we hired for a 
month, and have in the meantime won to God. Not long 
afterwards, one of these, after being duly prepared for death, 
by receiving the sacraments, departed this life. And among 
these persons hardly anything else worth mentioning has oc- 
curred. The following occurrences are more remarkable. 

A certain man, entirely unknown to us, but a zealous 
disciple of the Protestant religion, was staying with a friend 
who was still more zealous; and having been bitten by one 
of the snakes which abound in these parts, was expecting 
immediate death. One of Ours, finding this out, took with 
him a surgeon, and hurried to the sick man, who, it was re- 
ported, had already lost his senses, with the intention of min- 
istering to his soul in any way that he could. But the host, 
divining his intention, tried to thwart his pious efforts. And 
the priest, as he could find no other opportunity, determined 
to stay all night with the sick man. But the host prevented 
this too, and, lest the Father should be admitted at night, he 
appointed a guard to sleep on a bed, laid across the door of 
the chamber occupied by his friend. Nevertheless, the priest 
kept on the watch for every opportunity of approach; and 
going at the dead of night, when he supposed the guard would 
be especially overcome by sleep, he contrived, without dis- 
turbing him, to pass in to the sick man; and, at his own de- 
sire, received him into the Church. And although, under the 
circumstances, it was impossible that the sick man should be 
taught much, or be firmly established in his belief, yet when, 
contrary to all expectation, he had been cured by our sur- 
geon, the grace of God prevailed with him, and he chose rather 
to be put out of his friend's house than to retract what he 
had done; nay, he even came to us of his own accord, and 
happily completed the work he had begun. 

Another man when one of Ours tried to bring him to the 
orthodox faith, repulsed him with the answer, "that he had 



1638] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 121 

vowed that he never would embrace that faith." A short 
time afterwards this wretched man was attacked by disease, 
and brought to the last extremity, before the Father was 
advised of his sickness. He, however, hastens to the sick 
man with all speed, and finds him entirely insensible, yet still 
breathing. Accordingly he instructs the attendants to put 
some nourishment into the mouth of the sick man, every now 
and then, and to summon him if at any time he returned to 
consciousness. This was done early the next morning, and 
the Father runs to him, and, while talking to him, perceives 
that he is in some measure recognized by him, and receives 
from him, at times, an answer to a short question, (for he 
could not take in too long a discourse at once.) The Father 
therefore determined to make use of the present opportunity, 
inasmuch as he could not hope for another one afterwards. 
And when by various communications he had obtained (as he 
judged) the consent of the sick man, understanding from him 
that he wished to be made a Catholic, that he was sorry for 
his sins, and that he wished to be absolved from them, he 
absolved him from his sins and anointed him with the sacred 
oil. After this had been done, the sick man, in a day or two, 
was perfectly restored to his senses. And when he was asked 
what he had done, or what he had perceived to have been 
done around him, he answered with so great joy and such 
heart-felt emotion, that he had been admitted into the Cath- 
olic Church, and that he intended to remain in it even to his 
last breath, that all who were present were affected with no 
small admiration. Afterwards, when the Father came again, 
he expressed the same joy to him; and to his great satisfaction 
performed the other things necessary for completing the work 
he had begun. From that time he gradually recovered; but, 
since he had scarcely any proper remedies, and lay for a long 
time on his back, a dreadful ulcer broke out over his whole 
body. Wherefore we procured necessaries for him, as far as 
we could, at our own expense, and sent a surgeon to cure his 
malady. And although the surgeon removed a great many 
worms from the ulcer, yet by his skilful attention and the 
watchful care of others the sick man was cured, and now he 
is a strong servant, sound, as we trust, both in mind and 
body. 



122 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1638 

Another man, who was of noble birth, had been reduced to 
such poverty by his own unrestrained licentiousness, that he 
sold himself into this colony. 1 Here, when he had been re- 
called by one of Ours, to the right faith and the fruit of good 
living, he always anxiously doubted whether he had entered 
upon the safe road; and on one occasion, when he had in- 
trusted himself to the sea in a small skiff, and a frightful storm 
arose, such as he had never seen, although he had often met 
with storms at sea, and certain shipwreck seemed already at 
hand, he earnestly prayed to God, that in confirmation of the 
faith he had lately received — if it was really true — he would 
ward off the impending danger. God heard his prayer, and 
turning the storm in another direction, confirmed his wa- 
vering mind with tranquil peace. Not long afterwards, this 
man was brought to the last extremity by a severe disease, 
and after taking all the sacraments, about an hour before his 
death asked his Catholic attendant to pray for him. It is 
probable that an evil angel presented himself to his sight; 
for almost at the very point of death he called the same at- 
tendant and said, with a cheerful voice: " Don't you see my 
good angel? behold him standing near to carry me away; I 
must depart;" and thus, happily (as we are permitted to 
hope) he breathed his last. Since his burial, a very bright 
light has often been seen at night around his tomb, even by 
Protestants. 

Besides these, one of Ours, going out of the colony, found 
two Frenchmen, one of whom had been without the sacra- 
ments of the Catholic Church for three entire years; the other, 
who was already near death, having spent fifteen whole years 
among heretics, had lived just as they do. The Father aided 
the former with the sacraments and confirmed him in the 
Catholic faith as much as he could. The latter he restored 
to the Catholic Church, and, administering all the sacraments, 
prepared him for dying happily. 

As for the Catholics, the attendance on the sacraments 
here is so large, that it is not greater among the Europeans, 
in proportion to the number of Catholics. The more igno- 
rant have been catechised, and catechetical lectures have 
been delivered for the more advanced every Sunday; and 

1 That is, as an indented servant. See pp. 99, 100, supra. 



1638] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 123 

on feast days sermons have been rarely neglected. The sick 
and the dying, who have been very numerous this year, and 
who dwelt far apart, we have assisted in every way, so that 
not even a single one has died without the sacraments. We 
have buried very many, and baptized various persons. And, 
although there are not wanting frequent occasions of dissen- 
sion, yet none of any importance has arisen here in the last 
nine months, which we have not immediately allayed. By 
the blessing of God, we have this consolation, that no vices 
spring up among the new Catholics, although settlements of 
this kind are not usually supplied from the best class of men. 

We bought off in Virginia two Catholics who had sold 
themselves into bondage, nor was the money ill-spent, for both 
are showing themselves good Christians: one, indeed, sur- 
passes the ordinary standard. Some others have performed 
the same duty of charity, buying thence Catholic servants, 
who are very numerous in that country. For every year 
very many sell themselves thither into bondage, and living 
among men of the worst example and being destitute of all 
spiritual aid, they generally make shipwreck of their souls. 

Several of the chief men by spiritual exercises have been 
formed by us to piety, a fruit not to be repented of. In the 
case of one, we adore the remarkable providence and mercy 
of God, which brought a man encompassed in the world with 
very many difficulties, and now at length living in Virginia, 
almost continually without any aid to his soul, to undertake 
these exercises, not long before his death; by which he prof- 
ited so much that he determined on the very best mode of 
spending his life thenceforth. This design a severe sickness 
prevented, which he bore with the greatest patience, with a 
mind generally fixed on God; and at length having properly 
received all the sacraments, in the most peaceful manner, 
contrary to the usual course of his life, which had been so 
full of troubles and disquietudes, renders back his soul to 
his Creator. 

A noble matron also has died, who, coming with the first 
settlers into the colony, with more than woman's courage^ 
bore all difficulties and inconveniences. She was given to\ 
much prayer, and most anxious for the salvation of her neigh- 
bors — a perfect example of right management as well in her\ 



124 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1639 

self as in her domestic concerns — she was fond of our so- 
ciety while living, and a benefactor to it when dying — of 
blessed memory with all, for her notable examples, especially 
of charity to the sick, as well as of other virtues. 

From the Annual Letter of 1639. 

There are in this mission four priests and one coadjutor. 
All are in places far distant — doubtless, because they ex- 
pect thus to obtain an earlier acquaintance with the barba- 
rian language, and propagate more widely the sacred faith of 
the Gospel. Father John Brock, the Superior, with a coad- 
jutor brother, remains in the plantation of Metapannayen, 
which was given us by Maquacomen, 1 the King of Patuxent, 
and is a sort of storehouse of this mission, whence most of 
our bodily supplies are obtained. Father Philip Fisher 2 lives 
in the principal town of the colony, to which the name of St. 
Mary's is given. Father John Gravener 3 lives in Kent Island, 
sixty miles distant. Father Andrew White is distant still 
farther, one hundred and twenty miles, to wit: at Kittama- 
quund, the metropolis of Pascatoa/ having lived in the palace 
with the Emperor himself of the place, whom they call the 
Tayac, from the month of June, 1639/. 

The cause of the father's going there was on this wise. 
He had bestowed much labor and time for the conversion of 
the King of Patuxent, which indeed was prayed for by all, 
both on account of the recollection of kindness received, for 
he had given to the society, as has been said, a farm; and 
because he was said to be very powerful among the barbarians, 
on account of his reputation for wisdom and his influence. 
And now, such had been the beginnings, the desired event was 
shortly expected; for some of the people of the king had con- 
nected themselves with the fold of Christ; and he himself 
appeared abundantly instructed in the first principles of the 
faith, when lo! unhappy man, he first begins to procrasti- 

1 This gift or grant led to controversy between the Proprietary and the mis- 
sionaries as to their respective rights. See pp. 116, 117, siipra. 

2 Alias, Father Thomas Copley. 

3 Alias, Father John Altham. 
* Pascataway. 



1639] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 125 

nate, then by degrees to grow indifferent, and lastly, in an 
open manner, to break off altogether from the design he had 
commenced. Nor this only, but he also gave indications, not 
to be misunderstood, of a mind entirely alienated from the 
whole colony. The Governor, after prudently sounding, de- 
termined, by the advice of his friends, that the father should 
be recalled from the hospitality of the King, lest, unexpect- 
edly, the barbarian should give some example of his perfidy 
and cruelty against an innocent man; or indeed lest, this host- 
age, as it were, being left with the King, he himself might be 
hindered from being able to revenge injuries, if at any time the 
Patuxent should discover himself an enemy. 

When rulers and kings are spoken of, let no one in his 
mind form an august idea of men, such as of the different 
princes in Europe. For these Indian kings, though they 
have absolute power of life and death over their people, and 
in certain prerogatives of honor and wealth excel others, 
nevertheless in personal appearances are scarcely anything 
removed from the multitude. The only peculiarity by which 
you can distinguish a chief from the common people is some 
badge; either a collar made of a rude jewel, or a belt, or a 
cloak, oftentimes ornamented with shells in circular rows. 
Their kingdoms are generally circumscribed by the narrow 
confines of a single village and the adjacent country; though 
the Tayac has a much more extensive dominion, stretching 
about one hundred and thirty miles, to whose empire also 
other inferior chieftains are subject. 

To him therefore, the salvation of Maquacomen being de- 
spaired of, Father Andrew betook himself, and being treated 
by him very kindly at the first interview, so attached the 
man to him, that he was afterwards held by him in the great- 
est love and veneration; of which thing this is the strongest 
proof, that he was unwilling that the Father should use any 
other hospitality than that of his palace. Nor was the queen 
inferior to her husband in benevolence to their guest, for 
with her own hands, (which thing the wife of our treasurer 
also does willingly) she is accustomed to prepare meat for him 
and bake bread, with no less care than labor. 

The cause of this remarkable affection for the Father, is 
to be referred to two dreams which he had, unless you may 



126 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1639 

deem it proper to honor them with another name. One dream 
appeared to the mind of Uwanno, the brother-german of the 
Emperor, who reigned before him, and whom he slew. For 
in his sleep he appeared to see Father White and Father 
Gravener before him, and moreover to hear a voice admon- 
ishing him, " Finally these are the men, who from their soul 
loved him with all his tribe, and had brought with them those 
blessings, by which he could be happy, if he desired it." Hence 
so lively an impression of these unknown men remained in 
his mind, that even at the first sight, he recognized them when 
coming to him, whom afterwards he embraced with remark- 
able affection. He was accustomed also to call Father White 
his parent, to whose instruction also he wished to give up 
for seven years his son, who was very dear to him, as the 
whole tribe is very fond of children, and seldom let them go 
from their embrace. The other dream, which he is accus- 
tomed to relate in frequent conversations, occurred to the 
Tayac as he slept, to wit : That his father, deceased some time 
before, appeared to be present before his eyes, accompanied 
by a god of a dim color, whom he worshipped, and who was 
beseeching him that he would not desert him. At a short 
distance stood, accompanied by a most hideous god, one 
Snow, an obstinate heretic from England; and finally, in 
another direction, the Governor of the colony and Father 
White appeared, a god also being his companion, but much 
more beautiful, who excelled the unstained snow in whiteness, 
seeming gently to beckon the Emperor to him. From that 
time, he treated, both the Governor and the Father with the 
greatest affection. 

Not long after the coming of Father White to his court, 
the Tayac was in danger from a severe disease; and when 
forty conjurers had in vain tried every remedy, the Father, 
by permission of the sick man, administered medicine, to wit : 
a certain powder of known efficacy mixed with holy water, 
and took care the day after, by the assistance of the boy, 
whom he had with him, to open one of his veins for blood- 
letting. After this, the sick man began daily to grow better, 
and not long after became altogether well. Restored from 
the disease entirely, of himself he resolved as soon as possible 
to be initiated in the Christian rites; nor himself only, but 



16391 ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS , 127 

his wife also and two daughters — for as yet he has no male 
offspring. Father White is now diligently engaged in their 
instruction; nor do they slothfully receive the heavenly doc- 
trine, for by the light of heaven poured upon them, they have 
long since found out the errors of their former life. The 
Emperor has exchanged the skins, with which he was hereto- 
fore clothed, for a garment made in our fashion; he makes 
also a little endeavor to learn our language. 

Having put away his concubines from him, he lives con- 
tent with one wife, that he may the more freely (as he says) 
have leisure to pray to God. He abstains from meat on the 
days in which it is forbidden by the Christian laws; and men 
that are heretics who do otherwise, he for that very reason 
thinks ought to be called bad Christians. He is greatly de- 
lighted with spiritual conversation, and indeed seems to es- 
teem earthly wealth as nothing, in comparison with heavenly, 
as he once told the Governor, when explaining to him what 
great advantages from the English could be enjoyed by a mut- 
ual exchange of wares — " Verily, I consider these trifling 
when compared with this one advantage — that through their 
testimony I have arrived at the true knowledge of the one 
God, than which there is nothing greater, or which ought to 
be greater, in my wishes." 

Not long since, when he held a convention of the empire, 
in a crowded assembly of the chiefs and a circle of the com- 
mon people, Father White and some of the English being pres- 
ent, he publicly attested it was his determination, together 
with that of his wife and children, abjuring the superstition 
of the country, to take the part of Christ; for that no other 
true deity is anywhere else had than among the Christians, nor 
otherwise can the immortal soul of man be saved from death 
— but that stones and herbs, to which, through blindness of 
mind, he and they had hitherto given divine honors, are the 
humblest things created by the Almighty God for the use 
and relief of human life. Which being spoken, he spurned 
far away from him with his foot a stone which happened to 
be near. A murmur of applause from the people sufficiently 
indicated that they did not hear these things with unfavor- 
able ears. But the greatest hope is, that when the family of 
the Emperor is purified by baptism, the conversion of the 



128 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1639 

whole empire will speedily take place. In the meantime, we 
heartily thank God for so joyful a commencement of affairs, 
and are especially encouraged when we daily behold those 
idols to be the contempt of the natives, which were lately 
reckoned in the number of deities. 

Another thing not unworthy of mention, the more in- 
flamed the Emperor, long since enkindled with the desire of 
baptism. A certain Indian having slain an Englishman, on 
account of an injury, was found guilty of the homicide, and 
was also sentenced to death, at just the time when the Tayac, 
with Father White, was coming to the colony. We exhorted 
the miserable man, devoted to death, that by receiving sol- 
emnly the Christian sacraments he should provide for the 
salvation of his immortal soul. When in this thing he ap- 
peared to show himself not at all obdurate, we endeavored, as 
far as we could, by the power of speech, to move the mind of 
the man in some measure inclined to our advice. The pious 
Emperor perceived us to labor for language; wherefore, of his 
own accord, he added his assistance to accomplish the end. 
He not only did not refuse to perform the office of a faithful 
interpreter, conveying to the man the things, which he had 
received from Father White, to be impressed; but also of him- 
self added some things so apposite and efficacious, that he was 
the admiration of those present, and at length drew over the 
Indian himself to the Catholic side; who, imbued with the 
necessary knowledge and washed in the sacred font, prepared 
himself for death, for the most part in the very way which 
was prescribed to him. And indeed he appeared to be pos- 
sessed with so vehement a desire of seeing God, that you would 
have thought him almost too eager to have the execution has- 
tened. A remarkable eagerness appeared in his countenance; 
he fortified himself by the frequent and salutary sign of the 
cross; he often repeated submissively; and whatever things 
he did or said, did not seem feigned for show only, but to come 
from the inmost senses and recesses of the soul. When he 
came to the place of execution, he inquired, with cheerful coun- 
tenance, if he was to sing at his departure; 1 and when answer 
was given, that rather by piously taking the holy names of 
the blessed Jesus and Mary he should propitiate them in his 

1 Cf. pp. 368, 369, infra. 



1639] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 129 

last conflict, he cheerfully obeyed those who advised him, 
and almost at the same moment closed his life and pious 
voice, by the cord that stopped his breath. When dead, he 
was buried in our cemetery, in the most solemn manner, that 
even from this, the barbarians might understand, that al- 
though, execrating the crimes of malefactors, Christians may 
avenge them by merited punishment, nevertheless they hold 
their souls dear, and are easily reconciled to them, if they re- 
pent. And surely such an example of clemency and charity 
to the deceased, struck them so much the more forcibly, the 
more it differed from their customs — who indeed are accus- 
tomed to serve up their enemies, slain in the most cruel manner, 
to be feasted on by their friends. 

No one, however, was more vehemently moved at the sight 
of the dying neophyte than the Tayac, who afterwards ear- 
nestly insisted that he too should receive the gift of baptism. 
But the thing being considered in council, it appeared that it 
would be for the greater glory of God, if it be deferred a little, 
until it could be performed with splendid display, in the greatest 
solemnity, and in the sight of his countrymen; his wife also, and 
his children coming to a participation of his joy and gladness. 

The Emperor, at length, won over by the attentions of the 
Catholics, and greatly delighted with their prolonged hos- 
pitality, returned home, the same Father White being his 
attendant; whither as soon as he came, he gave command to 
his people to prepare the church by next Pentecost, the time 
appointed for the baptism. On that day, at Kittamaquund, 
the Governor and other distinguished men of the colony con- 
template honoring, by their presence, and by whatever other 
means they can, the Christian sacraments and the second and 
better birth of the Tayac. May the merciful God cause this 
thing to turn out to the good of all — to his glory, to our reward, 
and to the salvation of the whole tribe. 

Whoever shall contemplate in thought the whole earth, 
will perhaps nowhere find men more abject in appearance than 
these Indians; who nevertheless have souls (if you consider the 
ransom paid by Christ,) no less precious than the most culti- 
vated Europeans. They are inclined indeed to vices, though 
not very many, in such darkness of ignorance, such barbarism, 
and in so unrestrained and wandering a mode of life; never- 



130 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1639 

theless in their disposition they are docile, nor will you per- 
ceive in them, except rarely, the passions of the mind trans- 
ported in an extraordinary manner. They are most patient 
of troubles, and easily endure contumely and injuries, if they 
do not involve danger of life. Idols they have few or none, 
to whose worship they are greatly addicted; nor are there any 
priests or mystae, to whom the administration of sacrifices 
appertains by appointment; though there are not wanting 
those who interpret superstitions, and sell them to the people; 
but even these are commonly not at all numerous. They ac- 
knowledge one God of heaven; notwithstanding, they distrust 
that they know in what way he is to be worshipped, in what 
way to be honored; from which it happens that they give will- 
ing ear to those that teach this knowledge. They rarely think 
of the immortality of the soul, or of the things that are to be 
after death. If at any time they meet a teacher clearly ex- 
plaining these things, they show themselves very attentive 
as well as docile, and by and by are seriously turned to think 
of their souls, so as to be ready to obtain those things, which, 
they perceive, conduce to the salvation of the same. They 
are readily swayed by reason, nor do they withhold their 
assent obstinately from the truth set forth in a credible man- 
ner. This natural disposition of the tribe, aided by the sea- 
sonable assistance of divine grace, gives us hope of a most 
desirable harvest hereafter, and animates us in the highest 
degree to continue our labors in this vineyard. And the 
same ought to be an incitement to all those who in future, 
by the will of God, may come hither to us for supply or 
assistance. 

To the hope of the Indian harvest, are to be added also no 
mean fruits reaped from the colony and its inhabitants, to 
whom, on the principal festival days of the year, sermons are 
preached, and the expositions of the catechism given on the 
Lord's day. Not only Catholics come in crowds, but also 
very many heretics — not without the reward of our labors; 
for this year twelve in all, wearied of former errors, have 
returned to favor with God and the Church. Our people 
cease not daily to engage in their divine employment, and to 
dispense the sacraments to those that come, as often as circum- 
stances demand. In fine, to those in health, to the sick, to 



1640] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 131 

the afflicted and the dying, we strive to be in season for coun- 
sel, for relief, and assistance of every kind whatsoever. 
College of Liege, etc. 

From the Annual Letter of 1640. 

In this mission this year we have been four priests and one 
coadjutor. We stated last year what hope we had conceived 
of converting the Tayac, or the Emperor, as they call him, of 
Pascatoa. From that time, such is the kindness of God, the 
event has not disappointed the expectation; for he has joined 
our faith, some others also being brought over with him; 
and on the 5th of July, 1640, when he was sufficiently in- 
structed in the mysteries of the faith, in a solemn manner he 
received the sacramental waters in a little chapel, which, for 
that purpose and for divine worship, he had erected out of 
bark, after the manner of the Indians. At the same time the 
queen, with an infant at the breast, and another of the prin- 
cipal men, whom he especially admitted to his counsels, to- 
gether with his little son, were regenerated in the baptismal 
font. To the Emperor, who was called Chitomachon 1 before, 
was given the name of Charles; to his wife that of Mary. 
The others, in receiving the Christian faith, had Christian 
names allotted to them. The Governor was present at the 
ceremony, together with his secretary and many others; nor 
was anything wanting in display which our means could supply. 

In the afternoon, the Tayac and his queen were united in 
matrimony in the Christian manner; then a great holy cross 
was erected, in carrying which to its destined place the king, 
governor, secretary, and others, lent their shoulders and hands; 
two of Ours in the meantime chanting before them the litany 
in honor of the Blessed Virgin. And not long after, Father 
Andrew White and Father John Gravener had to bear their 
own crosses by no means light ; for Father White, in perform- 
ing the ceremonies of the sacred rite of baptism, which were 
somewhat long, had contracted a fever and became danger- 
ously sick with chills; and though he grew better of that ill- 
ness, he again suffered a relapse, which held him even till the 

1 Kittamaquund. This was the name also of the principal settlement or 
town of the tribe. See p. 124, supra. 



132 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1640 

winter. But Father Gravener was so deprived of the use of 
his feet, that he could not even put a foot to the ground. 
Nevertheless he became well, though afterwards, affected 
with an abcess, he was carried off in the space of a few days, 
upon the 5th of November. 

When famine prevailed among the Indians, on account of 
the excessive drought of the past summer, that we might not 
appear to neglect their bodies, for the care of whose souls we 
had made so great a voyage, though corn was sold at a great 
price, nevertheless we considered it necessary to relieve their 
want of bread by assisting them. Amidst these cares, intent 
also on settling the affairs of the mission, we passed the greater 
part of the winter. 

On the 15th of February we came to Pascatoa, not with- 
out the great gratulation and joy of the inhabitants, who in- 
deed seem well inclined to receive the Christian faith. Not 
long after, the King brought his daughter, seven years old, 
(whom he loves with great affection,) to be educated among 
the English at St. Mary's, and, when she shall well understand 
the Christian mysteries, to be washed in the sacred font of 
baptism. His counsellor, also, of whom we have spoken 
above, desiring the goodness of God, which he had experienced 
in his own case, to be brought also to his people, has nothing 
more earnest in his prayers, than that his wife and children 
may be brought to the waters of salvation; which most proper 
desire, after suitable instruction, by the favor of God, shall be 
gratified. 

The King also of the Anacostans, whose territory is not 
far distant, has expressed a desire that one of Ours should 
sojourn with him; from which it is plainly evident that a 
harvest will by no means be wanting to Ours, on which they 
may bestow labor with advantage ; but rather it is to be feared 
that there will not be laborers for gathering so abundant a 
harvest. There are also other villages lying near, which, I 
doubt not, would run promptly and joyfully to the light of 
gospel truth, if any one would impart to them the word of 
eternal life. But it is not right for Ours here to be too anx- 
ious for bringing the others to the truth, lest they may seem 
to abandon prematurely our present tender flock. Nor need 
those who are sent for assisting them fear lest the means of life 



1640] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 133 

be wanting, since He who clothes the lilies and feeds the fowls 
of the air will not suffer those, who are laboring to extend His 
kingdom, to be destitute of necessary sustenance. /' 

To Father Philip Fisher, who now resides in the colony of 
St. Mary, nothing could have happened more agreeable, than 
to labor in the Indian harvest, if he had been permitted by 
his own people, who could not do without his services. His 
reward, however, has been correspondent to his will; for 
while those five of whom we have spoken above, among the 
Indians, are cleansed by the water of baptism, as many at 
the same time by his active industry are brought back from 
heretical depravity into the bosom of the Church. The 
Catholics who live in the colony are not inferior in piety to 
those who live in other countries; but in urbanity of manners, 
according to the judgment of those who have visited the 
other colonies, are considered far superior to them. Every- 
where the hope of harvest has dawned; and while each one of 
us is anxious by his own efforts to help now these, now those, 
various things happen worthy of recital — of which, (others 
being omitted for purpose of avoiding prolixity,) two of the 
most prominent shall be stated here, in one of which the divine 
mercy was manifest, in the other the divine justice. 

On the day, upon which a certain man was about to ab- 
jure heresy, and expiate the sins of his past life by confession, 
a flame having caught in the interior part of his house during 
his absence, running up the door-post, had burst out at the 
top; when he had perceived the thing, for he was not far dis- 
tant, he suddenly called to a neighbor, but finds no assistance;- 
he runs then to another, when he finds only two who will go 
with him; and although all this time the fire was burning, and 
the house was built of dry logs, nevertheless relief arrived 
before any great injury had happened. Some feared lest by 
this unexpected occurrence he might be deterred from con- 
version. It happened far otherwise however; for his house 
being almost uninjured, he thence drew the conclusion that 
God was propitious to him and approved his design by a mani- 
fest token. Wherefore, uniting a great reformation in morals 
with the faith he professed, he now sheds abroad the very 
sweet savor of a good example upon all who are acquainted 
with him. 



134 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1642 

The other man ; though he had felt some internal drawings 
/foi God, and had for some time made use of means which 
seemed to lead toward conversion, yet on a certain day deter- 
mined to cast aside all such thoughts, and go back to the 
customary paths of his earlier life. In the time when he medi- 
tated better thoughts he had obtained prayer-beads for him- 
self; but afterwards, having changed his mind, he was accus- 
tomed to smoke them in his pipe with tobacco, after grinding 
them to powder, often boasting that he was eating up his 
"Ave Marias"; for so he called the beads by telling of which 
the salutation of the angel is recited. But the divine ven- 
geance did not let the wicked crime go long unpunished; for 
scarcely a year having passed, on the returning vigil of the 
day on which he had abandoned his purpose of embracing the 
Catholic faith, a more sacrilegious playfulness possessed him, 
as was noticed by his companions. Therefore, in the afternoon, 
when he had betaken himself to the river for the purpose of 
swimming, scarcely had he touched the water when a huge 
fish having suddenly seized the wicked man, before he could 
retreat to the bank, tore away, at a bite, a large portion of his 
thigh, by the pain of which most merited laceration, the un- 
happy wretch was in a short time hurried away from the liv- 
ing — the divine justice bringing it about that he, who a little 
while before boasted that he had eaten up his "Ave Maria 
beads," should see his own flesh devoured, even while he was 
yet living. 

College of the English at Liege, etc. 

A Narrative derived from the Letters of Ours, out of 
Maryland, [1642]. 

In the mission of Maryland for the year 1642, just elapsed, 
we have had only three companions and those three priests, 
one of whom too was confined by sickness of three months' 
duration. This was Father Roger Rigby. The other two 
were Father Philip Fisher, superior of the mission, and Father 
Andrew White, who separated themselves in different places 
for the purpose of collecting more fruit. The superior, Father 
Philip, remained for the most part at St. Mary's, the chief 
town of the colony, in order that he might take care of the 



1642] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 135 

English, who live there in greater numbers, and also of the 
Indians not living far distant, as well as those going and 
coming backwards and forwards. Father Andrew betook 
himself to his former station at Pascataway; but Father Roger 
went to a new residence, which in the vulgar idiom they call 
Patuxen, where he could learn the more easily the Indian lan- 
guage, and so better instruct and strengthen in the faith cer- 
tain neophytes, and scatter more widely along the bank of 
that great river the seed of faith. 

The following was in substance the fruit of their labors. 

Father Andrew suffered no little inconvenience, from a 
hard-hearted and troublesome sea-captain of New England, 
whom he had engaged for the purpose of taking him and his 
effects, from whom he was in fear a little while after, not 
without cause, that he would either be cast into the sea, or be 
carried with his property to New England, to the Puritan 
Calvinists — that is, the very dregs of all Calvinist heresy. 
Silently committing the thing to God, at length in safety he 
reached Potomac — which in the vernacular is called Patomake 
— in which harbor, when they had cast anchor, the ship stuck 
so fast, bound by a great quantity of ice, that for the space of 
seventeen days it could not be moved. Walking on the ice, 
as if on land, the Father departed for the town; and when the 
ice was broken up, the ship, driven and jammed by the force 
and violence of the ice, sunk, the cargo however being in a 
great measure recovered. 

By this misfortune the Father was detained longer in his 
visit, to wit, seven weeks; for he found it necessary to bring 
another ship from St. Mary's. But the spiritual advantage 
of souls readily compensated for that delay; for during that 
time was added to the Church the ruler of that little village, 
with the other principal men of its inhabitants, who received 
the faith of Christ and baptism. Besides these, also another, 
with many of his friends; a third likewise, with his wife, his 
son, and a friend; a fourth, in like manner, with another of 
no ignoble standing among his people. By their example, the 
people are prepared to receive the faith, whenever we shall 
have leisure to instruct them by catechism. 

Not long after, the young Empress (as they call her) of 
Pascataway was baptized in the town of St. Mary's and is 



136 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1642 

being educated there, and is now a proficient in the English 
language. Almost at the same time most of the town called 
Portobacco 1 received the faith with baptism; which town, as 
it is situated on the river Pamac, 2 (the inhabitants call it Pa- 
make,) almost in the centre of the Indians, and so more con- 
venient for excursions in all directions, we have determined 
to make our residence ; and the more so, because we fear that 
we may be compelled to abandon Pascataway, on account of 
its proximity to the Sesquesehanni, which nation is the most 
savage and warlike of these regions, and hostile to the Chris- 
tians. An attack having been recently made on a place of 
ours, they slew the men whom we had there, and carried away 
the goods, to our great loss. And unless they be restrained 
by force of arms, which we little expect from the counsels of 
the English, who disagree among themselves, we shall not be 
safe there. 

Wherefore, we have to be content with excursions, many 
of which we have made this year in ascending the river, which 
they call Patuxen. Out of these this fruit has arisen, namely 
the conversion of the young queen of that place, namely of 
the town having the same name with the river there, and her 
mother; also of the young queen of Portobacco; of the wife 
and two sons of the great Tayac, as they call him — that is 
the Emperor, who died last year; and of one hundred and 
thirty others besides. The following is our manner of mak- 
ing an excursion. We are carried in a pinnace or galley, to 
wit: the Father, the interpreter, and a servant — for we use 
an interpreter, as will be stated hereafter. Two of them propel 
the boat with oars, when the wind is adverse or fails; the 
third steers with the helm. We take with us a little chest 
of bread, butter, cheese, corn, cut and dried before it is ripe, 
beans and a little flour — another chest, also, for carrying 
bottles, one of which contains wine for religious purposes, six 
others holy water for the purpose of baptism; a box with the 

1 Now known as Port Tobacco. The name is said to come from the Indian 
words Potu-bago, meaning tobacco-leaves (Maryland Historical Society, Fund 
Publication no. 7, supplement, p. 44). 

2 Now called Port Tobacco Creek. From filling up of the channel, vessels 
of even moderate draft can now (1910) come up only to within four miles of the 
town. 



1642] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 137 

sacred vessels, and a slab as an altar for the sacred function; 
and another casket full of trifles, which we give the Indians 
to conciliate their affection — such as little bells, combs, knives, 
fish-hooks, needles, thread and other things of this kind. We 
have, besides, a little tent, when we are obliged to lie out in 
the open air, which is frequently the case; also a larger one, 
which is adapted to keep out the rain. The servants also 
bring other things, which are necessary for hunting, and pre- 
paring for food whatever they have taken in hunting. 

In our excursions we endeavor, as much as we can, to 
reach by evening some English house, or Indian village, but 
if not, we land and to the Father falls the care of mooring the 
boat fast to the shore, then of collecting wood and making a 
fire, while in the meantime the two others go to hunt — so that 
if they take anything it may be prepared. But if not, having 
refreshed ourselves with our provisions, we lie down by the 
fire and sleep. If fear of rain threatens, we erect our hut and 
cover it with a larger mat spread over; and, praise be to God, 
we enjoy this humble fare and hard couch with a not less joy- 
ful mind, than more luxurious provisions in Europe, with this 
present comfort that God now imparts/ to us a foretaste of 
what he will give to those who labor faithfully in this life, and 
mitigates all hardships with a degree of pleasantness; espe- 
cially because His Divine Majesty appears to be present with 
us, in an extraordinary manner. For, considering that the 
difficulty of this language is so great, that none of us can yet 
converse with the Indians without an interpreter (though 
Father Rigby has made a little progress, so that he hopes he 
will be able by a short time to converse with them upon things 
of ordinary importance, and to instruct them as far as may be 
necessary for admission to baptism; for he has composed a 
short catechism, by the aid of an interpreter), these things, I 
say, being considered, it appears miraculous that we have been 
able to effect anything with them; especially when we have 
no interpreter except a young man who is not himself so well 
acquainted with their language but that he sometimes excites 
their laughter; so that for a time we seemed almost to despair 
in mind, but by patience we are succeeding, and in a gradual 
way are bringing them over to what we desire. 

It has also pleased the Divine Goodness, by the virtue of 



138 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1642 

His Holy Cross, to effect something beyond mere human power. 
The circumstances are these : a certain Indian, called an Ana- 
costian, from his country, but now a Christian, whilst he was 
making his way with others through a wood, fell behind his 
companions a little, when some savages of the tribe of the 
Susquesehanni, which I have mentioned before, attacked him 
suddenly from an ambuscade, and with a strong and light spear 
of locust wood, (from which they make their bows), with an 
oblong iron point, pierced him through from the right side to 
the left, at a hand's breadth below the armpit near the heart 
itself with a wound two fingers broad at each side. From 
the effect of this when the man had suddenly fallen, his ene- 
mies fly with the utmost precipitation; but his friends who 
had gone on before, recalled by the sudden noise and shout, 
return and carry the man from the land to the boat, which 
was not far distant, and thence to his home at Pascataway, 
and leave him speechless and out of his senses. The occur- 
rence being reported to Father White, who by chance was but 
a short distance away, he hastened to him the following morn- 
ing, and found the man before the doors, lying on a mat before 
the fire and enclosed by a circle of his tribe — not indeed alto- 
gether speechless, or out of his senses, as the day before, but 
expecting the most certain death almost every moment, and 
with a mournful voice joining in the song with his friends 
that stood around, as is the custom in the case of the more dis- 
tinguished of these men, when they are thought to be certainly 
about to die. But some of his friends were Christians, and 
their song, which, musically indeed, but with plaintive inflec- 
tion of tone, they modulated, was, "May he live, oh God! if it 
so please thee;" and they repeated it again and again, until 
the Father attempted to address the dying man, who imme- 
diately knew the Father, and showed him his wounds. The 
Father pitied him exceedingly; but since he saw the danger to 
be most imminent, omitting other things he briefly runs over 
the principal articles of faith; and repentance of his sins being 
excited, he received his confession; then elevating his soul 
with hope and confidence in God, he recited the gospel which 
is appointed to be read for the sick, as also the Lauretan 
litanies of the Blessed Virgin, 1 and told him to commend him- 

1 Litanies of the Virgin, originally used at the Holy House of Loretto. 



1642] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 139 

self to her most holy intercessions, and to call unceasingly 
upon the most sacred name of Jesus. Then the Father, ap- 
plying the sacred relics of the Most Holy Cross, which he car- 
ried in a casket hung to his neck, but had now taken off, to 
the wound on each side, before his departure (for it was nec- 
essary to depart, for the purpose of administering baptism to 
an aged Indian, who was considered about to die before the 
morrow) directed the bystanders, when he should breathe 
his last, to carry him to the chapel for the purpose of burial. 

It was now noon when the Father departed; and the fol- 
lowing day, at the same hour, when by chance he was borne 
along in his boat, he saw two Indians propelling a boat with 
oars towards him; and when they had come alongside, one 
of them put his foot into the boat, in which the Father was 
sitting. Whilst he gazed on the man with fixed eyes, being 
in doubt, for in a measure he recognized by his features who 
he was, but in part recollected in what state he had left him 
the day before, the man, on a sudden, having thrown open his 
cloak, and having disclosed the cicatrices of the wounds, or 
rather a red spot on each side, as a trace of the wound, imme- 
diately removed all doubt from him. Moreover, in language 
of great exultation he exclaims that he is entirely well, nor 
from the hour at which the Father had left yesterday had he 
ceased to invoke the most holy name of Jesus, to whom he 
attributed his recovered health. All who were in the boat 
with the Father, taking cognizance of the thing both by seeing 
and hearing, breaking forth into praise of God and thanksgiv- 
ing, were greatly rejoiced and confirmed in the faith at this 
miracle. 

But the Father advising the man that, always mindful of 
so great and manifest a blessing, he should return thanks, and 
persevere to treat that holy name and most holy cross, with 
love and reverence, dismisses the same from him. Then the 
man, returning to his own boat together with the other, boldly 
propelled it with the oar, which he could not have done, unless 
he had been of sound and entire strength. 

This is about the sum of the labor and fruit for this year; 
one thing, however, remains not altogether to be omitted, 
though to be touched upon lightly, to wit, that occasion of 
suffering has not been wanting from those, from whom rather 



140 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654 

it was natural to expect aid and protection; who, too intent 
upon their own affairs, have not feared to violate the immu- 
nities of the Church, by using their endeavors, that laws of 
this kind formerly passed in England and unjustly observed 
there, may obtain like force here, to wit: that it shall not be 
lawful for any person or community, even ecclesiastical, in 
any wise, even by gift, to acquire or possess any land, unless 
the permission of the civil magistrate first be obtained. 1 When 
Ours declared this to be repugnant to the laws of the Church, 
two priests were sent from England to teach the contrary. 
But the reverse of what was expected happened; for our rea- 
sons being heard, and the thing itself being more clearly un- 
derstood, they easily fell in with our opinion, and most of the 
laity. This I add by way of conclusion, that two other fathers 
have recently come to us from England, to our great com- 
fort, after an unpleasant voyage of fourteen weeks, whereas it 
is not generally more than six or eight. But of these and 
their labors and their fruit, if God grant it, we will speak else- 
where. We hope indeed that it will be abundant, which we 
may predict from their present zeal and the unanimity of their 
minds, since that is the most certain sign of the abiding of 
Him with us, who is in the completest degree one, and the 
beginning of all unity. 

From the Annual Letter of 1654 

This year Father Francis Fitzherbert, destined for Mary- 
land, at the first intimation of our superior, without a single 
companion, with singular magnanimity and alacrity of mind, 
entered upon an arduous expedition, and a laborious and long 
journey among unknown men, dissimilar in morals and re- 
ligion. Nor during his whole journey was there wanting a 
harvest abundant according to his deserts, from his confi- 
dence in God and his patience. Four ships sailed together 
from England, which a fearful storm overtook, when carried 
beyond the Western Isles, 2 and the ship in which the Father 
was carried, the violent waves so shattered, that, springing a 
leak by the continued violence of the sea, it almost filled its hold. 
But in carrying away and exhausting the water, the men, four 

1 In reference to this controversy see pp. 116, 117, supra. 2 Azores. 



1655] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 141 

at a time, not only of the ship's crew but of the passengers, 
every one in his turn, sweated at the great pump in ceaseless 
labor, day and night. 

Wherefore, having changed their course, their intention 
was to make sail towards the island, which the English call 
Barbados; but it could be accomplished by no art, by no labor; 
then the design was, having abandoned the ship and its freight, 
to commit themselves to the long boat. But the sea, swelling 
with adverse winds, and the huge mountainous waves, for- 
bade. Many a form of death presenting itself to the minds 
of all, the habit of terror, now grown familiar, had almost ex- 
cluded the fear of death. The tempest lasted two months in 
all, whence the opinion arose, that it was not raised by the vio- 
lence of the sea or atmosphere, but was occasioned by the 
malevolence of witches. Forthwith they seize a little ola\ 
woman suspected of sorcery; and after examining her with/ 
the strictest scrutiny, guilty or not guilty, they slay her, sus-\ 
pected of this very heinous sin. The corpse, and whatever ( 
belonged to her, they cast into the sea. 1 But the winds did 
not thus remit their violence, or the raging sea its threaten- 
ings. To the troubles of the storm, sickness was added, which 
having spread to almost every person, carried off not a few. 
Nevertheless, the Father remained untouched by all the con- 
tagion, and unharmed, except that in 1 working and exercising 
at the pump too laboriously, he contracted a slight fever of a 
few days' continuance. Having passed through multiplied 
dangers, at length, by the favor of God, the ship, contrary to 
the expectation of all, reached the port of Maryland. 



From the Annual Letter of 1655 and 1656 

In Maryland, during this year and the next preceding, 
Ours have escaped grievous dangers, but have had to contend 
with great difficulties and straits, and have suffered many un- 
pleasant things as well from enemies as from our own people. 
The English who inhabit Virginia made an attack on the colo- 
nists, themselves Englishmen too; and safety being guaranteed 
on certain conditions, received indeed the Governor of Mary- 

1 See p. 117, supra, and Archives of Maryland, III. 306. 



142 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

land/ with many others, in surrender. But in treacherous vio- 
lation of the conditions, four of the captives, and three of them 
Catholics, out of extreme hatred of our religion were pierced 
with leaden balls. 2 Rushing into our houses, they demanded 
for death the impostors, as they called them, intending inev- 
itable slaughter to those who should be caught. But the 
Fathers, by the protection of God, unknown to them, were 
carried from before their faces in a little boat; their books, 
furniture, and whatever was in the house, fell a prey to the 
robbers. With almost the entire loss of their property, private 
and domestic, together with great peril of life, they were se- 
cretly carried into Virginia; and in the greatest want of neces- 
saries, scarcely and with difficulty do they sustain life. They 
live in a mean hut, low and depressed, not much unlike a cis- 
tern, or even a tomb, in which that great defender of the faith, 
St. Athanasius, lay concealed for many years. To their other 
miseries this inconvenience was added, that whatever com- 
fort or aid this year, under name of stipend, from pious men 
in England, was destined for them, had been lost, the ship 
being intercepted in which it was carried. But nothing affects 
them more than that there is not a supply of wine, which is 
sufficient to perform the sacred mysteries of the altar. They 
have no servant, either for domestic use, or for directing their 
way through unknown and suspected places, or even to row 
and steer the boat, if at any time there is need. Often, over 
spacious and vast rivers, one of them, alone and unaccom- 
panied, passes and repasses long distances, with no other 
pilot directing his course than Divine. Providence. Even 
though the enemy should depart and they should return to 
Maryland, the things which they have already suffered from 
their people, and the disadvantages which still threaten are 
not much more tolerable. 3 

1 William Stone. 2 See p. 303, infra. 

3 The occurrences here described, and the expulsion of the Jesuit mission- 
aries, occurred during the sway of the Commissioners appointed by Parliament, 
by whom the government of the Proprietary was temporarily overthrown. (See 
pp. 166, 204, infra.) In 1658, when the supreme authority had become vested in 
Oliver Cromwell as Lord Protector, the authority of Lord Baltimore was restored, 
and thereupon the Jesuit missionaries returned to their fields of labor. 



1681] ANNUAL LETTERS OF THE JESUITS 143 

From the Annual Letter of 1681 

The Maryland mission flourishes; the seed which our 
Fathers sowed there is growing up into a copious crop and 
promises an abundant harvest hereafter. Four years ago 
they opened, in the midst of barbarism, a school of humane 
letters, conducted by two of them, and the youths born there, 
unusually devoted to letters, are making good progress. This 
new-born school has sent to St. Omer two students, who are 
surpassed in intelligence by few Europeans and strive for the 
palm with the foremost of their class. Hence we infer that 
these lands, undeservedly called barbarous, are most prolific, 
not alone of gold and silver and other products of the earth, 
but also of men made for virtue and the higher education. 
Two have been sent thither this year to aid those who are 
laboring in that most ample vineyard of the Lord. 

All this year there has been a great contention about prop- 
erty. The enemies of the Society have enviously spread the 
report that it possessed immense wealth, almost enough to sus- 
tain an army, thus turning to the injury of the Society the very 
beneficence of our Fathers, who to those who have had recourse 
to them have administered the desired aid promptly, and in 
proportion to their slender resources generously; and yet it is 
certain that those who speak thus are either deceived or deceiv- 
ing, for whatever Ours possess in the island 1 would hardly suf- 
fice to support a hundred. And if we take account of what 
perishes through the ignorance of those in charge of it, of what 
is lost through the avarice of rustics 2 withholding the annual 
revenues, of what is spent on lawyers that the estate itself 
be not filched away, it suffices for far fewer, unless they aid 
themselves by their own labor. The rest is adequately supplied 
by the charity of the faithful, for whom we labor strenuously. 
Much has been brought into jeopardy and preserved with diffi- 
culty; some things have been lost. Yet we trust in the good- 
ness of God and the piety of the Catholics that, while we sow 
spiritual seed, we shall reap carnal things in abundance, and 
that to those who seek the kingdom of God the other things 

1 At that time Europeans not minutely informed were prone to assume that 
any American ("West Indian") colony was an island. See p. 299, infra. 

2 Tenant farmers. 



144 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1681 

shall be added. Meanwhile having modest and frugal living 
and proper clothing, we are contented therewith. 

In the mean time hearty thanks are to be rendered to the 
Divine mercy for the occasions whereby it calls into exercise 
our faith and virtue, and for the singular fortitude from on 
high with which it indues our Fathers, to bear all things read- 
ily and joyfully for Christ. They have taken joyfully the 
spoiling of their goods, knowing that they have a better and 
enduring substance. They had trial of mockings and scourg- 
ings, yea, moreover of bonds and imprisonment; they were 
stoned, they were sawn asunder, 1 were tempted, were slain 
with the halter; they wandered about destitute, tormented, 
afflicted. Yet, such is the mercy of God, he has not suffered 
us to be tempted above that we are able to bear, but with the 
temptation has also made a way to escape, that we may be 
able to bear it. In Him is placed our assured hope, that He 
that hath begun this good work will Himself finish it. 

1 The statements as to being sawn asunder and slain with the halter are not 
to be taken literally, the phrases being borrowed from Hebrews xi. 36, 37. The 
actual grievances, however real, were not due to those in authority, but were the 
result rather of lawless violence. 



LETTER OF GOVERNOR LEONARD CALVERT 
TO LORD BALTIMORE, 1638 



INTRODUCTION 

The letter of Leonard Calvert, Lieutenant-Governor of 
Maryland, to his brother the Lord Proprietary, dated April 
25, 1638, contains a graphic account of the reduction of Kent 
Island to obedience, the inhabitants of which, instigated by 
William Claiborne, had continued during the four years which 
had elapsed since the founding of the Colony to refuse sub- 
mission to the authority of Lord Baltimore. 

Palmer's Island, mentioned in the narrative as being occu- 
pied and fortified by Thomas Smith and others from Kent 
Island, lies near the head of Chesapeake Bay, within the 
mouth of the Susquehanna River, and therefore commands 
the entrance to what was then a great waterway for trade, 
conducted in canoes, with the Indians. The island is well 
within the borders of Maryland, and is now generally known as 
Watson's Island. William Claiborne, who sought to control this 
trade independently of Lord Baltimore's rights under the char- 
ter of Maryland, was the agent of, and in some enterprises a 
profit-sharer with, the mercantile house of Cloberry and Com- 
pany, of London. When this firm was informed of Lord Bal- 
timore's authority and of Claiborne's resistance thereto, they 
revoked his agency, and appointed as his successor George 
Evelin, with power of attorney to act for them. But so greatly 
were the inhabitants under the influence of Claiborne that Eve- 
lin seems to have been unable to assert his authority until Gov- 
ernor Calvert entered upon the island with an armed force 
and made prisoners of Thomas Smith and John Butler, who 
were Claiborne's principal agents, the latter being his brother- 
in-law. This being done, and a general amnesty offered to all 

147 



148 INTRODUCTION 

the other inhabitants who should within twenty-four hours 
submit themselves to the authority of the Lord Proprietary, 
they with one accord accepted the offer, and gladly received 
grants of the land which they occupied, to which previously 
they had no pretence of title. 

In this letter Governor Calvert asks his brother to send 
over, signed in advance, the draft of an act, to be submitted to 
the Assembly, "censuring" Butler for piracy as Smith had 
been. The reference here made appears to be the only record 
extant of the seizure of goods by Butler from a boat belong- 
ing to those at St. Mary's. This formal accusation against 
Butler the Governor wished to have, to hold over his head as 
a means of securing loyalty and good behavior on his part for 
the future. 

The charge of piracy against Smith, for which he was tried 
and condemned to death, arose in this wise: 

In 1635, a pinnace belonging to the Kent Island station 1 
was seized by the Maryland officers for trading without a 
licence from the proprietary government. Claiborne retali- 
ated by sending out a vessel, the Cockatrice, under the com- 
mand of Ratcliffe Warner, 2 with orders to seize any vessels 
belonging to St. Mary's. To meet this move, and to maintain 
his authority, Governor Calvert despatched two pinnaces, the 
St. Helen and the St. Margaret, Captain Thomas Cornwaleys 
being in command. Meeting on April 23, 1635, with Clai- 
borne's vessel in the Pocomoke River, an engagement fol- 
lowed, in which one Marylander was killed and several 
wounded, while on the other side Lieutenant Warner and 
two of his men were killed and their boat captured. 

On the 10th of May following, there was another conflict in 
the same river, this time Thomas Smith being in command 
of Claiborne's vessel. There appears to have been bloodshed 

1 Calvert Papers, I. 141, 145 (Maryland Historical Society, Fund Publica- 
tion no. 28). 

2 Bozman, History of Maryland, II. 34, 35. 



NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 149 

upon this occasion also, and for this occurrence the charge 
of piracy was laid against Smith, for which he was arrested, 
tried and convicted three years later. 1 

The latter part of the letter* is interesting from its per- 
sonal character, and the account it contains of Governor 
Calvert's efforts to send to his brother specimens of the native 
birds and animals of America, and to obtain for him Indian 
matting, which appears to have been desired as a novelty both 
for domestic use and for gifts to friends. 

C. C. H. 

1 Archives of Maryland, I. 16, 17. 



LETTER OF GOVERNOR LEONARD CALVERT 
TO LORD BALTIMORE, 1638 » 

Good Brother: I have endeavored this last winter to bring 
the Inhabitants of the He of Kent 2 willingly to submit them- 
selves to your governement and to incourage them thereunto 
I wrote unto them a letter in November, where amongst other 
motives I used to perswade them, I promised to free them 
from all question of any former contempts they had com- 
mitted against you, so that they would from thence forward 
desist from the like and submit themselves to the govern- 
men* and to shew them greater favor I gave them the choice 
to name whom they would of the Inhabitants of the Ileand to 
be theire commaunder; but one Jhon Butler Cleybornes brother 
in law and one Tho : Smith an agent of Cleybornes upon Kent 
was of such power amongst them that they perswaded them 
still to continue in theire former contumacie. Upon notice 
given me hereof, I presently appointed Cap* Evelin 3 Comman- 
der of the Ileand w ch formerly I purposely omitted because he 
was had in a generall dislike amongst them, him they con- 
temned and committed many Insolencies against; wherefore 
findeing all faire meanes I could use to be in vaine, and that 
no way but compulsion was left, I gathered togeather about 
twenty musketteers out of the Colony of S* Maries and appoint- 
ing the command of them to Cap* Cornewallis 4 whome I tooke 

1 The original manuscript is endorsed as follows: "25 Aprill 1638. My Bro: 
Leonard to me. from Virginea. the taking of the He of Kent. Palmers Hand, 
what number of people and catle upon them. Portobacke. Cedar, redd-bird, 
matts and Lyon." 

2 For a brief statement of the grounds of controversy between Lord Balti- 
more and William Claiborne concerning Kent Island, see p. 50, supra. 

3 Robert Evelin had been appointed by Cloberry and Company of London 
their attorney in the room of Claiborne, who had been their former agent and rep- 
resentative for trading with the Indians. 

4 One of the commissioners for the colonization of Maryland (see p. 16, 
supra) and for many years the chief military officer of the province. 

150 



1638] NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 151 

as my assistant w*! 1 me, I sat saile from S* Maries towards Kent 
about the latter end of November, intending to apprehend 
Smith and Butler if I could, and by the example of theire 
punishm* to reduce the rest to obedience, but it beeing then 
farre in the winter, the windes were so cross and the weather 
so fowle in the bay, that after I had remayned a week upon 
the water I was forct to returne back and deferre that expe- 
dition untill some fitter tyme. Two months affter in the be- 
ginning of ffebruarie I was given to understand that the Ind- 
ians at the head of the bay, called the Sasquahannoughs, 
intended in the spring following to make warre upon us at 
S* Maries pretending revenge for our assisting of our neigh- 
bors Indians against them two yeares before (w eh we never 
did though they will needs thinck so) and that they were in- 
couraged much against us by Thomas Smith who had trans- 
planted himselfe w th other English from the He of Kent the 
last summer to an Ileand at the head of the bay fower miles 
below the falls called Palmers Ileand * and understanding like- 
wise that they had planted and fortified themselves there by 
directions from Cap* Cleybourne w th intent to live there inde- 
pendent of you (because they supposed it" out of the limits of 
your Province) and that the s d Smith and M r Botler whom 
I have formerly mentioned was then preparing to carrie a 
farther supply from Kent both of men and necessaries to the 
s d Ileand; I thought it expedient to stop theire proceedings 
in the beginnings, and for that purpose haveing advised w th 
the councell about the busines I sat forth from S* Maries for the 
He of Kent w th thirtie choice musketteers takeing Cap* Corne- 
walleis and Capt: Evelin in my company. To Cap* Cornew: 2 
I appointed the command of those Soldiers I carried w* h me, 
and afterward arriving at the s d Ileand I landed w*! 1 my com- 
pany a little before sunne rise, at the southermost end thereof 
where Cap* Cleybornes howse is seated w* h in a small ffort of 
Pallysadoes, but findeing the gate towards the sea at my 
comeing fast barred in the inside one of my company beeing 
acquainted w th the place quickly fownd passage in at an other- 
gate and commeing to the gate w ch I was at opened unto me, 

1 So called from the name of the original grantee. Afterward variously 
known by the names of subsequent occupants, and now, generally, as Watson's 
Island. , 2 Cornewallis. 



152 LETTER OF GOVERNOR CALVERT [1638 

so that I was arrived and entered the fort w th out notice taken 
by any of the Ileand w c . h I did desire, the easilier to appre- 
hend Boteler and Smith the cheife incenduaries of the former 
seditions and mutinies upon the Ileand, before they should be 
able to make head against me, and understanding that Boteler 
and Smith were not then at the fort but at theire severall plan- 
tations I sent to all the lodgeings in the fort and caused all the 
persons that were fownd in them to be brought unto me there- 
by to prevent theire giving untymely notice unto Boteler and 
Smith of my commeing, and takeing them all alongst w th 
me I marched w 1 } my company from thence w th what speed 
I could towards Botelers dwelling called the great thicket 
some five miles from the fort and appointed my Pinnass to 
meet me at an other Place called Craford, and makeing a stand 
about halfe a mile short of the place, I sent my Ensigne one 
Mr Clerck (that came once w th M T . Copley from England) w^ 
tenne musketteires to Butler to acquaint him that I was come 
upon the Ileand to settle the governement thereof and com- 
maund his present repaire unto me at Craford two miles dis- 
tant from thence, w ch the Ensigne accordingly did and brought 
Boteler unto me before I removed from where he left me. 
After I had thus possessed my self e of him I sent my Serjeant 
one Robert Vaugham w th six musketteires to Thomas Smiths 
who lived at a place called beaver neck right against Boteler 
on the other side of a Creeck w th like commands as I had 
formerly given for Boteler, and then marching forward w til 
your Ensigne displayed to Craford by the tyme I was come 
thither Smith was brought unto me where haveing both the 
cheife delinquents against you I first charged them w^ theire 
crimes and afterward committed them Prisoners aboard the 
Pinnass. I came in and appointed a gard over them, after I 
caused a proclamation to be made of a generall pardon to all 
other the Inhabitants of the Ileand excepting Boteler and 
Smith for all former contempts against you that should w th in 
fower and twenty howers after the proclaiming of the same 
come in and submit themselves to your governement where- 
upon w th in the time appointed the whole Ileand came in 
and submitted themselves. Haveing received theire submis- 
sion, I exorted them to a faithfull continuance of the same, 
and encouraged them thereto by assureing them how ready 



1638] NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 153 

you would be alwayes upon theire deserts to condescend 
to any thing for theire goods. Afterward I gave order for 
the carrieing of Boteler and Smith to S* Maries in the Pin- 
nass I came in, and w*! 1 them sent most of the Soldiers as a 
gard upon them commaunding them to be delivered into the 
custody of the sheriffe at S* Maries untill my returne and my 
Pinnass to returne to the Ileand to me, where till my Pin- 
nasses returne I held a court and heard and determined diverse 
causes between the Inhabitants. At the end of the sf court I 
assembled all the Inhabitants to make choise of theire delegates 
to be present for them at a generall assembly then held at 
S* Maries for the makeing of Lawes w ch they accordingly did, 
and before my departure from them I gave them to under- 
stand that every man that held or desired to hold any land in 
the Ileand, it was necessarie they should take pattents of it 
under the seale of the Province as holding it of you w c . h they 
were all very desireous of, so that some tyme this summer I 
promised to come to the Ileand and bring Mf Lewger w th me 
to survay and lay out theire lands for them and then to pass 
grants unto them of it, reserveing onely such rents and services 
to you as the law of the Province should appoint. There is 
upon the Ileand about one hundred and twentie men able to 
beare armes as neer as I could gather; of the women and chil- 
dren I can make no estimate. In conclusion appointing the 
command of the Ileand to three of them, vist: to Mf Robert 
Philpot as commaunder and William Cox and Tho: Allen joynt 
commissioners w* him I departed for S* Maries, where after 
my arrivall I called a grand inquest upon Smith who fownd a 
bill against him for Pyracie, whereupon he was arraigned 
before the assembly and by them condemned to suffer death 
and forfeit, as by a particular act for that purpose assented 
unto by the whole howse and sent unto you, you will perceive ;■* 
I have omitted as yet to call M T . Boteler to his tryall, because 
I am in hopes by shewing favor unto him to make him a good 
member, but I have not as yet released him, though I have 
taken him out of the sheriffes custody into my owne howse 
where I intend to have him remayne untill I have made farther 
experience of his disposition and if I can win him to a good 
inclination to your Service, I shall thinck him fittest to take 

1 Archives of Maryland, I. 16, 17. 



154 LETTER OF GOVERNOR CALVERT [1638 

the commaund of the He of Kent; for those others w ch have 
now that charge from me are very unable for it, nor is there 
better to be fownd upon the Ileand, but least (Boteler de- 
meaning himselfe otherwise then well and that I should finde 
cause to thinck him fitter to be punished then pardoned) 
there should want meanes to give him condigne punishment 
for all his former offences, I desire you would send over an 
act the next yeare w th your assent thereto, to be proposed to 
an assembly in Maryland for theire assent censureing Boteler 
as Smith was for Pyracie w c . h he committed at the head of the 
bay neer Palmers Ileand in the yeare 1635 upon a Pinnasse 
belonging to S* Maries by takeing and a great quantitie of 
trucking commodities from Jhon Tomkins and serjeant Rob- 
ert Vaughan who had the charge of her and togeather w*! 1 
the s d Pinnass and goodes carried the s d Tomkins and Vaughan 
prisoners to Kent. Smith hath solicited you I suppose by his 
letters for his pardon but I shall desire you that you would 
leave it to me to do as I shall finde him to deserve; whereby 
(if it be possible he should be the better for it) it will take 
better effect w th him when he shall continue at my mercie 
under whose eye he is. Palmers Ileand beeing already seated 
and fortifyed and a good stock of cattle to the number of thir- 
teen head put upon it, I thought not good to supplant but 
understanding there were five men inhabiting it servants to 
Cap* Cleyborne and formerly under the command of Smith I 
sent serjeant Robert Vaugham and two others w th him from 
S* Maries to set downe there and to the sd: Vaugham gave 
the commaund of all the rest, and by reason Cap* Cleyborne 
hath been attainted of ffelony in the last assembly at S fc Maries 
by particular act and sentenced to forfeit all his estate in the 
Province 1 I gave Vaugham authoritie to take the servants 
and other goodes and chatties belonging to Cleyborne upon 
the Ileand into his charge, and to have them forth commeing 
when they shall be demaunded of him togeather w th what 
profitt shall be made by the Serjeants labors. I am informed 
that upon occasion of discourse given before Sf Jhon Harvey 
M r Kempe and M r Hawley 2 by M r Boteler whether Palmers He 

1 Archives of Maryland, I. 23. 

2 Jerome Hawley, one of the commissioners for the original settlement of 
Maryland. See p. 16, supra. 



1638] NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 155 

were w th in the Province of Maryland or no Mf Hawley did so 
weackly defend your title to it that Boteler grew more confi- 
dent of proceeding in planting it for his Brother Cleyborne and 
I have some reason to thinck that Mf Hawley did willingly let 
your title fall for some designe sake of his owne upon trade 
w*! 1 the Sasquahannoughs w ch he might conceive better hopes 
to advance by its depenice on Virginia then on Maryland, for 
when I sat in counsell at S* Maries about the expedition I 
made to Kent to stop the proceedings of that designe of Bote- 
ler and Smiths planting it, he earnestly diswaded it by sug- 
gesting all the reasons he could to make your title doubtfull 
to it the Ileand and then how unlawfull an act it would be to 
hinder theire planting it, and though it was made appeare that 
theire seating there was most dangerous to the Colony at S* 
Maries by reason that they had incouraged the Indians to set 
upon us and might hereafter furnish them w th gunns to our 
further harme if we should suffer them to proceed, whereas 
otherwise Boteler and Smith beeing removed we might hope 
to make a peace w 1 } those Indians yet it seemed some designe 
he had upon theire setting downe there was so deare unto him 
that he preferred it before the safetie of all us and his owne 
family beeing included in the daunger, and would needs have 
perswaded it to be in Virginia though the express words of 
your pattent limits the Province to the northward where New 
England ends but it is apparent that the Hand is w th in your 
Province for the line of fortie by Smiths map 1 by w ch the 
Lords Refferies 2 lade out the bonds 3 lyeth right over the first 
falls and this Ileand is fowre miles to the sowtherd below those 
falls as I can witnes for I was there the last summer and ob- 
served it. I beleeve the faire promises w ch he made you in 
England when you procured the preferm* he hath in Virginia 
how usefull he would prove to your Colony by it, will never 
be performed by him for nothing moveth him but his owne 
ends and those he intendeth wholly to remove from Maryland 
and place them in Virginia, and intendeth shortly to remove 
his wife and family thither. I am sorry it was your ill fort- 
une to be a meanes of so much good to him who is to ingrate- 

1 See in Narratives of Early Virginia, opposite p. 76, the reproduction of 
Captain John Smith's map of Virginia, 1612, on which "Smiths falls" appear 
just south of 40° N. lat. 2 Referees. » Bounds. 



156 LETTER OF GOVERNOR CALVERT [1638 

full for it, for he disclaimes that he ever sought your help or 
had any from you towards his preferm* for he thincketh you 
did not so much as know he pretended to the place he hath 
nor that you knew he had it untill a long tyme after it was 
passed unto him ; thus Cap* Cornewallis telleth me hath heard 
him say, and he is of such greevance unto the Governor and 
Secretarie of Virginia that they promise to themselves noth- 
ing but ruine by his draweing all the perquisites of theire two 
places from them, and do therefore wonder that you would be 
the meanes of procureing such a place for him. They do both 
intend by theire letters to solicite your help for the removeing 
him and it were well for both Colonies that he were, for he 
can not have less power, then too much in that Colony w ch (by 
impoverishing Sf Jhon Harvey and draweing from him and 
the secretarie the execution of all the cheife services w ch the 
Kings promtts and the peoples estates hath dependencie on 
he will bring unto himselfe ; so that Maryland wherein it shall 
have occasion to use Virginia is like shortly to seeck for it 
onely to him where there is nothing to be hoped for but what 
is unserviceable to his owne ends and nothing scapeth his 
designmt though it be never so much beyond his reach to 
compass. 

The body of lawes you sent over by M r Lewger 1 1 endeav- 
ored to have had passed by the assembly at Maryland but 
could not effect it, there was so many things unsuteable to 
the peoples good and no way conduceing to your proffitt that 
being they could not be exempted from others w ch they will- 
ingly would have passed they were desireous to suspend them 
all. The particular exceptions w c . h were made against them 
M r Lewger hath given you an account of in his dispatches to 
you : others have been passed in the same assembly and now 
sent unto you w c . h I am perswaded will appear unto you to 
provide both for your honor and promtt as much as those 
you sent us did. 2 The trade w*? 1 the Indians they wholly 
exempted themselves from and leaft it to you, onely Cap* 
Cornewallis I have promised should not want the most I could 
say unto you to procure leave for him that he might rent 
three twenty pownds shares in it yearely so long as he is 

1 John Lewger, secretary of the province. 
a Archives of Maryland, I. 619. 



1638] NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 157 

a member of your Colony, w ch I did as well to decline his 
hindrance of passing the whole to you, as also to give him 
incouragement for the many services he hath done you in the 
Colony, for though it hath been his fortune and myne to have 
had some differences formerly yet in many things I have had 
his faithfull assistance for your service and in nothing more 
then in the expedicion to Kent this last winter. 

I would not wish you (now it is in your hands to dispose 
of) to intrest too many sharers in it for that hath been hither- 
to the distruction both of the trade and the traders, for they 
never agreeing to trade joyntly did by theire severall trade pre- 
vent on an others marcket and by over bidding the prise for 
beaver dayly spoyled the trade whereas if it had been in one 
hand, or in so many as would have joyned, it might have 
made some profit to the adventurers but in the way it hath 
been hitherto they that have used it hath reaped nothing 
but losse, wherefore if you shall thinck good to let me have 
any share in it I desire you would not interest any other be- 
sides Cap* Cornewalleis, for there is none else in Maryland 
that knoweth what belongeth to the trade and therefore are 
not like to joyne in the wayes w ch are most expedient for the 
good of it. If you would let it out to us two for two or three 
yeares, rent free, I am perswaded it would be brought to such 
a state by the way we should bring it in that it would be farre 
more profitable and certaine then ever it was for hereafter 
or if you thinck good to use it all yourself e and send over 
truck for it I shalbe ready to do you the best service I can, 
but you must cause boates and hands to be procured of your 
owne here and not put yourselfe to hyer them for that will 
eat you out of all your profitt if not your principall and you 
must designe to place ffactories as soone as you can on shore 
in some convenient places whereto the trade may be drawne 
for the way of boating it though the boates be a mans owne 
is very chargeable and uncertaine. I have delivered some 
Tobaccoes to M r Lewger but whether it be sufficient or too 
much to ballance the accounts I am to passe I can not yet tell 
for I have not had tyme since his commeing to make them up. 
it is not for any profitt to myselfe that I have purposely de- 
layed it (as I hope you will do me so much right as to beleeve) 
but for want of Leisure from the publike services of the 



158 LETTER OF GOVERNOR CALVERT [1638 

Colony and the necessarie loockeing after some meanes of my 
owne subsistance w ch is so difficult to compass here as it re- 
quireth much tyme and labor. I meane this summer to pass 
all manner of accounts that are between you and me unto 
M r Lewger, for I have disposed of all my other businesses so, 
as I may have sufficient leisure to do it in. Mf Lewger is a 
very serviceable and diligent man in his secretaries place in 
Maryland, and a very faithfull and able assistant to me. 
The cedar you writt for by him I could not procure to send 
this yeare by reason there is very few to be fownd that are 
usefull tymber trees. Two I heard of farre up in Patuxent 
river, and two others upon popelyes 1 Hand in the bay nere 
to Kent, and the fraight and other charges for the shipping 
them will be so deer that I made a question whether you 
would thinck fitt to undergo it. It will stand in eight or tenne 
pownds a tunne fraight for England besides other charges of 
transporting it to shipping from where it is felled neither is 
there meanes in Maryland to transport it unless it might be 
split into clapboard, and whether it will not be made unser- 
viceable to y u by useing it so, I can not tell because I do not 
know the use you designe it for; by your next letters I pray 
informe me what you will have done in it. The matts w ch 
you wrot for amounts to such a charge to be bought from the 
Indians that I had not sufficient meanes to purchase it. It 
is not lesse then fortie pownds worth of truck out of England 
will buy 350 yards of matt besides the charge of seecking 
them in twentie severall indian towns, for unless they be be- 
spocken there is very few to be had but such as are not worth 
buyeing to give a freind, and besides for the use you intend 
them it is necessarie they should be all of one make other- 
wise they cannot flower a roome; and before I shall procure 
so many yards I must send all the Province over but if you 
desire to have them and will provide truck to buy the m upon 
farther notice from you I will be speack them, to have them 
all in as few places as I can to avoid charge; I am sure my 
Brother Porttobacco 2 now Emperor of Paskattaway, will 
assist me in it as much as he can for he is much your freind 
and servant and hath expressed himself e to me to be so and 
giveth y u many thancks after his Indian fashion for your guift 
sent him by M r Lewger. He hath w th in this two yeares stept 

1 Poplar Island. 2 See above, pp. 126 and 136. 



1638] NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 159 

into the Empire of the Indians by killing his eldest brother, 
the old Emperor, and enjoyeth [it] yet w th peace through the 
good correspondencie he keepeth w th me w c . h aweth his Ind- 
ians from offereing any harme unto him. I had procured 
a red bird and kept it a good while to have sent it to you but 
I had the ill fortune to loose it by the negligence of my ser- 
vant who carelesly let it out of the cage. The beaver w ch I 
sent to you the last yeares belongeth unto the account of the 
stock of Cap* Humber brought over. 

The Lyon I had for you is dead, if I can get an other I 
will and send it you. I have had no leisure all this last winter 
to Virginia to procure an act to be made by the generall as- 
sembly then held there for the secureing of your right in the 
trade w th in your precincts, and thought it to no purpose to 
recommend it to M r Hawleys care after I had understood so 
much of him concerning Palmers Ileand. Against there next 
assembly w ch will be at the returne of shipping next yeare I 
will provide a bill drawne as effectuall for that purpose as I 
can and endeavor what I may to get it passed. 

I have sent you herew th a letter from Mf Robert Philpot 
of Kent (who hath at this present the commaund of the 
Ileand) to his ffather the keeper of hygh parcke, 1 I pray 
cause it to be delivered unto him and finde some occasion to 
commend his sonne unto him for his faire carriage here, as he 
doth deserve, for he came in at the first claime I made of the 
Ileanders submission to your Pattent, and incourage his 
ffather I pray what you can to supply him this yeare, for that 
I understand is the intent of his letter to him; I have writ 
unto you concerneing the deer you sent for in an other letter 
by it selfe sent herew th as you appointed me. Thus w th best 
love and service to my sister Baltimore and my other two 
sisters and my Brother Peasely I rest 

Your most affectionate 
ffrom Virginia loveing Brother 

this 25 th of Aprill Leonard Calvert 

1638. 

Cap* Wintor remembreth his 
service to you, I left him well 
in Maryland. 

1 Hyde Park. 



THE LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE, 1653 






INTRODUCTION 

After the death of the King, Charles I., and the assump- 
tion by Parliament of all the functions of government in 
England, Lord Baltimore recognized the necessity of so con- 
stituting the government of Maryland, if he were to retain 
control of it, as to disarm the oft-repeated charge that it was 
"a hot-bed of popery." He therefore appointed as Lieu- 
tenant Governor, William Stone, a Protestant and friend of 
the Parliament, and reorganized the Council so that one-half 
the members were Protestants. He required in the form of 
oath prescribed for the Governor that he would engage to main- 
tain religious liberty in the province, in accordance with the pol- 
icy pursued from its founding, and that in making appointments 
to office, etc., he would not discriminate between persons on 
account of religious opinion, but "only as they were found 
faithful and well deserving." 1 About this time a consider- 
able number of Puritans, availing of the broad liberty of 
conscience secured in Maryland, migrated thither from Vir- 
ginia, where they had been harshly treated, and settled at 
a place assigned to them which they called Providence, but 
upon which the name of Annapolis was afterward bestowed. 
In 1694, under the administration of Sir Francis Nicholson, 
royal governor, the seat of government was transferred thither 
from St. Mary's, and it remains the capital of the state. 

Governor Stone, having occasion to visit Virginia in 1651, 
designated as deputy governor during his absence his pre- 
decessor, Thomas Greene, 2 a Roman Catholic and royalist, 

1 Archives of Maryland, III. 210. 

2 Leonard Calvert died in 1647, and on his death-bed named Greene as his 
successor. 

163 



164 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

and a member of the Governor's Council. Greene took ad- 
vantage of his brief authority to follow the example of Gov- 
ernor Berkeley in Virginia, and proclaimed Charles II. king, 
with rejoicings and a general pardon. Stone promptly re- 
turned and relieved Greene of his office, but the mischief had 
been done. 

William Claiborne, whose watchful eye appears ever to 
have been upon Kent Island, 1 saw his opportunity. He had 
been an ardent royalist and a member of the Council of Vir- 
ginia; but that did not prevent him from applying to Par- 
liament for a commission to be issued to himself and others to 
reduce the colonies of Virginia and Maryland to obedience, 
pointing to the proclamation in each of the accession of 
Charles II. as evidence of their disaffected condition. 

Meanwhile the royalists in Virginia had pointed out to the 
exiled heir to the throne that large numbers of Puritans, 
enemies to the Crown, were being received and harbored in 
Maryland, thus proving the disloyalty of Lord Baltimore to 
the royal cause. Charles was thereupon led to issue from 
his court on the island of Jersey a commission to Sir William 
Davenant as governor of Maryland, to supersede Lord Bal- 
timore in authority, though not to deprive him of his rights 
as lord of the soil. Sir William was a poet; how efficient a 
governor he would have proved is unknown, as the vessel upon 
which he sailed got no further than the English Channel, where 
it was seized by a cruiser belonging to the Parliament. His 
mission to Maryland was thus quickly ended. 

In this way Lord Baltimore was called upon to defend 
his charter from attack on both sides. Its annulment was the 
one thing desired by the members of the old Virginia Com- 
pany, and title to Kent Island was what Claiborne sought. 
Each used the arguments they deemed best calculated to serve 
their purpose. 

1 For a brief statement of Claiborne's relations to Kent Island, see p. 50, 
supra. 



INTRODUCTION 165 

The Lord Baltemore's Case, with the "Reasons of State" 
which follow, is of the nature of a brief in answer to the con- 
tentions of Claiborne and those associated with him. Ap- 
pended to it as an exhibit is a copy of the commission issued 
to Sir William Davenant. These documents were printed in 
pamphlet form so as to be useful apparently in informing the 
public mind, as well as in presenting the case before the Coun- 
cil of State. 

In the opening statement it is represented that the Council, 
being satisfied that Maryland was never in opposition to the 
Parliament, had caused the name of Maryland to be stricken 
out of the Instructions to the Commissioners, which was 
twice done, but by some mistake or other it was put in again. 
The commission was eventually issued (as the narrative 
shows) to apply to "all the Plantations in the Bay of Chesa- 
peake." Maryland, therefore, while omitted by name, was 
included by geographical description. This "mistake" has 
been attributed to the ingenuity of Claiborne, who, being per- 
fectly familiar with the country, relied successfully upon 
ignorance of American geography on the part of members of 
the Council. It is not evident, however, that he was in Eng- 
land at the time that this commission was issued. At all 
events he joined the other commissioners after their arrival in 
Virginia. 

The commissioners appointed by Parliament overthrew 
Lord Baltimore's government, removed Governor Stone from 
office, and placed the control of affairs in the hands of men 
of their own selection from among the Puritans who had 
sought refuge in Maryland and settled at Providence. Lord 
Baltimore's authority was not restored without bloodshed, 
and not completely until 1658, after Cromwell had become 
Lord Protector. Then the government of the province was 
surrendered to Josias Fendall, whom Lord Baltimore had 
commissioned as Lieutenant Governor. 



166 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

Copies of this pamphlet are very rare. The following 
text was copied from an original in the Lenox Library, New 
York. There is another copy of the original edition in the 
library of the Maryland Historical Society, from which a 
reprint was made in the Maryland Historical Magazine, vol. 
IV., no. 2 (June, 1909). The "Reasons of State concerning 
Maryland" are to be found in Archives of Maryland, III. 280. 

C. C. H. 



\ 

\ 



THE LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE, 1653 

The Lord Baltemore 7 s Case, Concerning the Province of Mary- 
land, adjoyning to Virginia in America, With full and 
clear Answers to all material Objections, touching his 
Rights, Jurisdiction, and Proceedings there, And certaine 
Reasons of State, why the Parliament should not impeach 
the same. Unto which is also annexed, a true Copy of a 
Commission from the late King's Eldest Son, to Mr. Will- 
iam Davenant, to dispossess the Lord Baltemore of the 
said Province, because of his adherence to this Common- 
Wealth. 

London, Printed in the Yeare, 1653. 1 

In 1632 the Lord Baltemore had a Patent granted to him 
and his heirs, of the said Province of Maryland, with divers 
priviledges and jurisdictions for the Government thereof, the 
better to incourage him to settle a Colony of English there, 
whereby to prevent the Dutch and Swedes from incroaching 
any nearer to Virginia, Maryland being between Virginia, 
and the Dutch and Swedes Plantation on that Continent, and 
New-England beyond them, to the Northward. 

The Lord Baltemore hereupon in 1633 sent two of his own 
brothers with above 200 people to begin and seat a Planta- 
tion there, wherein, and in the prosecution of the said Plan- 
tation, ever since, hee and his friends have disbursed above 
40000 I. whereof 20000 I. at least, was out of his own purse, 
and his said two brothers died there in the prosecution thereof. 

In Septem. 1651, when the Councell of State sent Com- 
missioners from hence, to wit, Captaine Dennis, Captain 
Steg, 2 and Captain Curtes, to reduce Virginia to the obedience 
of the Parliament, Maryland was at first inserted in their 
Instructions to be reduced as wel as Virginia, but the Councel 

1 Title-page. 2 Spelled Stagge in the commission. 

167 



168 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1651-1652 

being afterwards satisfied that that Plantation was never in 
opposition to the Parliament, that Captain Stone, the Lord 
Baltemore ; s Deputy there, was generally knowne to have 
been always zealously affected to the Parliament, and that 
divers of the Parliaments friends were, by the Lord Balte- 
more's speciall direction, received into Maryland, and well 
treated there, when they were fain to leave Virginia for their 
good affection to the Parliament; then the Councell thought 
it not fit at all to disturb that Plantation, and therefore caused 
Maryland to be struck out of the said Instructions, which was 
twice done, it being by some mistake or other put in a second 
time. 

In this expedition to Virginia, Captain Dennis and Cap- 
tain Stegg, the two chiefe Commissioners, were cast away, 
outward bound in the Admirall of that Fleet, which was sent 
from hence upon that service, and with them the Originall 
Commission for that service was lost. 

But Cap. Curtes having a copy of the said Commission 
and Instructions with him in another ship, arrived safe in 
Virginia, and there being also nominated in the said Commis- 
sion two other persons resident in Virginia, to wit, Cap. Ben- 
net, and Cap. Cleyborn (known and declared enemies of the 
L. Baltemore's) they, together with Cap. Curtes, proceeded 
to the reducement of Virginia, which was effected accord- 
ingly upon Articles, among which one was; That the Virgin- 
ians should injoy the antient bounds and limits of Virginia, 1 
and that they should seek a Charter from the Parliament to 
that purpose. 

In the reducement of Virginia, Captain Stone (the L. 
Baltemore's Deputy of Maryland) sent to the Commissioners 
at the first arrival of the Fleet in Virginia, to offer them all 
the assistance he could, and did actually assist them therein, 
with provision of victuall, and other necessaries, as will be 
testified (if need be) by Mr. Edward Gibbons Major-Generall of 
New-England, 2 and divers others who were then there, and 
eye-witnesses of it, and are now here. 

Notwithstanding which, the said Commissioners, after 

1 The effect of this would have been to include Maryland within the bounds 
of Virginia. 

2 See Johnson's Wonder-working Providence^ in this series, p. 64. 



1652] LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 169 

Virginia was reduced, went to Maryland, and upon pretence 
of a certaine clause (which it seems was by some meanes or 
other, put into their Instructions, after Maryland was struck 
out as aforesaid) to wit, that they should reduce all the Plan- 
tations in the Bay of Chesapeack 1 to the obedience of the 
Parliament, and some part of Maryland, where the L. Balte- 
more's chief Colony there is seated, being within that Bay, as 
well as most of the Plantations of Virginia are; they required 
Captaine Stone, and the rest of the Lord Baltemore's Officers 
there, first to take the Ingagement, which they all readily 
subscribed, and declared, that they did in all humility sub- 
mit themselves to the Government of the Commonwealth of 
England in chief under God; then the Commissioners re- 
quired them to issue out Writs and Processe out of the L. 
Baltemore's Courts there in the name of the Keepers of the 
Liberty of England, and not in the name of the Lord Proprie- 
tary, as they were wont to doe, wherein they desired to be 
excused; because they did not conceive the Parliament in- 
tended to divest the Lord Baltemore of his right there, and 
that they understood out of England that the Councell of 
State intended not that any alteration should be made in 
Maryland. That the Kings name was never used heertofore 
in the sayd Writs, but that they had alwayes been in the name 
of the Lord Proprietary, according to the Priviledges of his 
Patent, 2 ever since the beginning of that Plantation; that 
the late Act in England for changing of the forms of Writts 
declared only, that in such Writs and Process wherein the 
Kings name was formerly used, the Keepers of the Liberty 
of England, should for the future be put in stead thereof: 
that the continuing of the Writs in the Lord Proprietaries 
name, was essentiall to his Interest there, and that therefore 
they could not without breach of trust, concur to any such 
alteration; whereupon the Commissioners demanded of Cap- 
tain Stone the Lord Baltemore's Commission to him, which 
he delivered, and then without any other cause at all, they 
removed the sayd Captain Stone, and the Lord Baltemore's 
other Officers out of their Imployment there under him, and 

1 For the text of these instructions see pp. 206-208, infra, and Archives of 
Maryland, III. 264. In the caption Virginia only is mentioned. 

2 See charter of Maryland, p. 105, supra. 



170 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1652 

appointed others to manage the government of that Planta- 
tion, till the pleasure of the Councell of State and Parliament 
should be further known therein; seized upon all the Records 
of the Place, and sent divers of them hither into England,^/- 
all which they did without any opposition at all from Cap. 
Stone, or any other of the Lord Baltemore's Officers, in regard 
of their respect and reverence to the Commissioners of the 
Parliament. 

The Colony of Virginia, not long after, sent one Colonell 
Mathews 1 hither into England to get their Articles confirmed 
by the Parliament, which were read in the House on the 31. 
August 1652. Upon the reading whereof a Petition of the 
Lord Baltimores, and of about twenty more considerable 
Protestant Adventurers and Planters to and in Maryland, who 
are known by divers Members of the House to have been well 
affected alwayes to the Parliament, and who signed the said 
Petition, was also read; whereby it was humbly desired that 
before the House passed that Article concerning the old 
limits of Virginia, the said Petitioners might be heard by their 
Councell, in regard Maryland was long since esteemed part of 
Virginia, and therefore they were concerned in that Article; 
and they further humbly desired in the sayd Petition, that 
the Lord Baltemore's Officers might be restored to their 
places in Maryland under him, and that the Petitioners might 
quietly enjoy the Priviledges of the sayd Patent of Maryland, 
upon confidence whereof, they had Adventured so much of 
their fortunes thither as aforesayd. 

Whereupon divers Parchments under the Lord Balte- 
more's hand and seale, which were sent out of Maryland, by 
the sayd Capt. Bennet, and Capt. Cleyborn, were at that 
time produced to the House by a Member thereof, who it 
seems conceived that there would appear something in them, 
whereby the Lord Baltemore had forfeited his said Patent, 
or at least that his Authority in Maryland was not fit to be 
allowed of by the Parliament. 

The House on the 31. August 1652 2 referred the sayd 
Article concerning the old Limits of Virginia, to the Com- 
mittee of the Navy to consider what Patent was fit to be 

1 See Letter of Thomas Yong, pp. 59, 61, supra. 

2 Commons Journals, VII. 173. 



1652] LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 171 

granted to the Inhabitants of Virginia, and to hear all Parties, 
and consider of their particular Claims, and report the same, 
with their Opinions to the Parliament, and the sayd Parch- 
ments delivered in concerning Maryland, were also referred 
to the same Committee. 

The Lord Baltemore accordingly made his claim before 
the said Committee, unto whom he delivered a true Copy of 
his said Patent, and desired therefore that the Patent which 
the Virginians were Suitors for, might not extend to any part 
of Maryland, it being made appear to the said Committee, 
that that Province had not been for these 20 years last past 
accounted any part of Virginia, and that the Virginians had 
neither possession of any part thereof, at the time of the 
making of the said Articles, nor for 20 years before, nor that 
the present Inhabitants of Virginia had ever at all any right 
unto it. 1 

Then, upon the suggestion of a Member of that Committee, 
certain Exceptions against the Lord Baltimores Patent, and 
his Proceedings thereupon in Maryland, were shortly after 
presented in writing to the said Committee, unto which the 
Lord Baltemore put in his Answer also in writing, which was 
read, and the Committee upon debate thereof (it seems) 
thought not fit to deliver any Opinion in the business, but 
Ordered, that the whole matter of fact should be stated by a 
Sub-Committee, and reported first to the said Grand Com- 
mittee, and afterwards to the House. 

The Exceptions aforesaid were many, but the substance 
of them are reduceable to these heads following, which are 
set down by way of Objections, with Answers to them. 

1. Object. A pretended injury done to the Virginians by 
the said Patent, in regard Maryland was heretofore part of 
Virginia. 

Answ. The present Inhabitants of Virginia had never any 
right to Maryland, no more then 2 to New-England, which was 
part of that Country heretofore called Virginia, as well as 
Maryland, but distinguished and seperated afterwards from 
it by a Patent as Maryland was. There was indeed a Patent 

1 No private titles to land within the area of Maryland had been created by 
the old Virginia Company, the charter of which had been annulled. 

2 Than. 



172 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1652 

heretofore granted by King James in the 7. yeare of his reign 1 
of a great part of that northern Continent of America, which 
was then called Virginia, to divers Lords and Gentlemen here 
in England, who were by that Patent erected into a Corpora- 
tion, by the name of the Virginia Company, in which tract of 
land granted to the said Company, that Country which is now 
called Maryland, was included, but that Patent was Legally 
evicted by a Quoranto in the then Kings Bench, in 21. year 
of the sayd King James, 2 8. or 9. years before the Patent of 
Maryland was granted to the L. Baltemore; which Company 
or Corporation the Inhabitants of Virginia desire not now to 
revive, by vertue of their Articles abovementioned, but ab- 
hor the memory of it, in regard of the great oppression and 
slavery they lived in under it, when it was on foot, so as they 
never having had any Patent, right, or possession of the sayd 
Province of Maryland, there could be no injury done to them 
by the Lord Baltemore's sayd Patent, after the eviction of the 
sayd Virginia Companies Patent thereof. For it was as free 
in the late Kings power to grant any part of that Continent 
not possessed before by any Legall grant then in force from 
the Crown of England (which Maryland was not, at the time 
of the Lord Baltemore's Patent thereof) as it was for King 
James to grant the aforesaid Country to the said Virginia 
Company. 

2. Object. A pretended wrong done by the Lord Balte- 
more to the above mentioned Capt. Cleyborn, in dispossessing 
him of an Island in the sayd Province, called the Isle of Kent. 3 

2. Answer. It was a business above 14. years since, upon a 
full hearing of both parties, then present, decided by the then 
Lords Commissioners for Forraign Plantations, against the 
sayd Capt. Cleyborn and bis Partners, Mr. Maurice Thomson 
and others, and the sayd Capt. Cleyborn hath himselfe, also by 
divers Letters of his to the Lord Baltemore, acknowledged the 
great wrong he did him therein; which Letters were proved at 
the Committee of the Navy, and are now remayning with that 

x The second Virginia charter, of May 23, 1609. 

2 While the writ of quo warranto against the Virginia Company was issued 
out of the King's Bench on November 4, 1623, in 21 Jac. I., judgment was not 
finally rendered till May 24, 1624, in his twenty-second year. 

8 For an explanation of this claim see p. 50, supra. 



1652] LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 173 

Committee: wherefore the Lord Baltemore humbly conceives, 
that against the sayd Capt. Cleyborns owne acknowledgement, 
and a Determination so long since of that business, and above 
14 years quiet possession in the Lord Baltemore of the said 
Island, the Parliament will not think fit upon a private Con- 
troversie of meum and tuum, between him and the said Cley- 
borne, to impeach his Patent of the said Province, or his right to 
the said Island, but leave both parties to their legall remedy. 

3. Object. That the said Patent constitutes an hereditary 
Monarchy in Maryland, which is supposed, by some, to be incon- 
sistent with this Common-wealth. 

3. Answ. The Jurisdiction and stile which the Lord 
Baltemore useth in Maryland, is no other then what is war- 
ranted by his Patent (as may appeare by his answer at the 
Committee of the Navy to the Exceptions above mentioned, 
and by perusall of the said Patent) and that is onely in the 
nature of a County Palatine, 1 subordinate, and dependent on 
the Supreame Authority of England; for by the Patent, the 
soveraign Dominion, Allegiance, the fift part of all Gold and 
Silver Oare which shall happen to be found there, and severall 
other Duties are referred to the late King, his Heires, and 
Successors, who are now the Parliament of this Common- wealth : 
and although it be true, that a Monarchicall Government here 
which should have any power over this Common-wealth, would 
not be consistent with it, yet certainly any Monarchical Gov- 
ernment in forraign parts which is subordinate to, and de- 
pendent on, this Commonwealth, may be consistent with it, 
aswell as divers Kings under that famous Common-wealth of 
the Romans heretofore were, insomuch as they thought it con- 
venient and fit to constitute divers Kings under them. All 
Lords of Mannors or Liberties here in England may, in some 
kinde, be aswell accounted Monarches within their severall 
Mannors and Liberties as the Lord Baltemore in Maryland; 
for Writs issue, at this day, in their names out of their Courts 2 
within their respective Mannors and Liberties, and not in the 
name of the Keepers of the Libertie of England; Oathes of 
Fealty are taken to them by their Tenants, and they have 

1 See charter of Maryland, pp. 103, 111, supra. 

2 Manorial courts, namely, courts lest, also called "view of frank pledge," 
and courts baron. Cf. charter of Maryland, p. Ill, supra. 



174 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1652 

great Royalties and Jurisdictions, some more than others, and 
some as great in proportion, within their said Mannors and 
Liberties, as the Lord Baltemore hath in Maryland, except the 
power of making Lawes touching life and Estate, power of 
pardoning, and some few others of lesser concernment, which 
although they may not be convenient for any one man to have in 
England, yet they are necessary for any (whether one man or a 
Company) that undertakes a Plantation, in so remote and 
wild a place as Mariland, to have them there; especially with 
such limitations as are in the Lord Baltemore's Patent; to wit, 
that the Laws be made with the consent of the Freemen of the 
said Province, or the major part of them, or their Deputies, 
and that they be consonant to reason, and be not repugnant 
or contrary, but, as neare as conveniently may bee, agreea- 
ble to the Laws of England; which limitations the Lord 
Baltemore hath not exceeded, as may appeare by his Answer 
to the Committee of the Navy to the Exceptions above men- 
tioned: and although it be not fit that any one Person should 
have a negative Voyce here in the making of Lawes, yet 
certainly, as no Company, so no single man, that is well in 
his wits, will be so indiscreet, as to undertake a Plantation at 
so vast an expence as the Lord Baltemore hath, if after all his 
charge, pains, and hazards, which are infinite in such a busi- 
nesse, such necessitous factious people as usually new Planta- 
tions consist of, for the most part, and went thither at his 
charge, or by contract or agreement with him, should have 
power to make Lawes to dispose of him, and all his estate there, 
without his consent, and he be left without remedy : for before 
the Supream Authority here, upon any appeale to it, will prob- 
ably be at leisure from business of greater consequence, or 
perhaps have convenient means to relieve him, he may be 
ruined and destroyed: such chargeable and hazardous things 
as Plantations are, will not be undertaken by any, whether it be 
a Company or a single man, without as great incouragements 
of priviledges as are in the Lo. Baltemore's Patent of Mary- 
land ; and if it be not any prejudice, as certainly it is not, but 
advantagious to the interest and honor of this Common- 
wealth, that an Englishman (although a Recusant, for the 
Lord Baltemore knows of no Lawes here against Recusants 
which reach into America) should possess some part of that 



1652] LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 175 

great Continent of America with the priviledges and juris- 
dictions aforesaid dependent on, and subordinate to it, then 
the Indian Kings or Forreigners (as the Dutch and Swedes afore 
mentioned) who have no dependency on it, as certainly it is, 
then he hopes the Parliament will not thinke it inconsistent 
with this Common- wealth, but just, that he should in joy the 
Rights and Priviledges of his Patent, upon confidence whereof, 
he and his friends have adventured the greatest part of their 
fortunes for the honour of this Nation, as well as their own 
particular advantage; especially seeing no other person hath 
any wrong done him therein, for none are compelled to go to 
Maryland, or to stay there, but know beforehand upon what 
termes they are to be in that place; and the English Inhabi- 
tants of that Province are so well pleased with the Government 
constituted there by the said Patent, as that, by generall con- 
sent of the Protestants, aswell as Roman Catholiques, it is 
established by a Law 1 there, aswell as freedome of Conscience 
and exercise of Religion within that Province is, to all that 
profess to believe in Jesus Christ, as appears by the Laws of 
that Province now in the hands of the said Committee of the 
Navy, which makes it evident that a Petition lately read at 
that Committee, with ten unknown hands to it, in the name 
of the Inhabitants of Maryland, against the Lord Baltemore's 
sayd Patent, is eyther wholly fictitious, or else signed by some 
few obscure factious fellows, which is easie to bee procured by 
any ill affected person, against any Government whatsoever. 

4. Object. That the Lord Baltemore gave his assent to 
certaine Lawes for Maryland in 1650, in one of which Lawes the 
late King Charles is stiled the late high and mighty Prince 
Charles the first of that name K. of England, etc. And in 
another of the said Lawes it is Enacted, That the L. Baltemore 
shall have 10s. a hogs-head for all Tobacco's ship't from Mary- 
land in any Dutch Vessell, and bound for any other Port then 
his Majesties, whereby some would infer, that hee did acknowl- 
edge a Charles the second to be King, etc. for that the word 
first, in one Law, inferred a second, and by the word Majesty, 
in the other Law, the Lord Baltemore must mean the late 
Kings eldest son, for the late King Charles was dead, when the 
Lord Baltemore assented to that Law, to wit, in August 1650. 

1 See the Act concerning Religion, pp. 269-273, infra. 



176 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1650 

4. Answ. To this is answered, that although those 
Lawes were assented unto by the Lord Baltemore in August 
1650, yet it appears by his said Declaration of assent, that 
some of them were enacted in Maryland by the Assembly there, 
in April 1649, whereof that Law was one, whereinthose words, 
to wit, any other Ports then his Majesties, are inserted (as was 
proved to the said Committee of the Navy) at which time, the 
people in Maryland could not know of the late Kings death, 
which was but in January then next before; for in February, 
March, and April, ships usually return from those parts, and in 
September, October, and November, goe thither; so as the 
Assembly in Maryland could mean no body by that word 
Majesty, but the late King, and the L. Baltemore could have 
no other meaning but what the Assembly had, for he did but 
assent to what they had done, and was before enacted, as 
aforesaid: as to the other law, wherein those other words are 
inserted, to wit, the late high and mighty Prince Charles, the 
first of that name, etc. it was one of those Laws which were 
passed by the Assembly in Maryland, in April 1650, when the 
people there knew of the late Kings death; to wit, a year after 
the other law above-mentioned, with divers others, which were 
enacted in April, 1649, as aforesaid, though in the ingrosse- 
ment of them all here, (when the Lord Baltemore gave his 
assent to them altogether in August, 1650,) it is written before 
it, because they were transposed here in such order, as the 
Lord Baltemore thought fit, according to the nature, and more 
or lesse importance of them, placing the Act concerning Religion 
first, etc. And as to those words, the first of that name, etc. 
the word first, doth not necessarily imply a second, as some 
infer upon it, no more then when the first born of thy sonnes 
were commanded to be given to God, did imply a second, which 
was performed, though there were never a second; the word 
first, hath relation to the time past, and not to the time to come ; 
King James is stiled in History, James the first of that name, 
King, etc. though there were never a second of that name 
King of England, etc. and it is usually written and said, that 
a King died in the first yeer of his Raign, when he lived not to 
enter into a second, the like whereof may be made out by 
many other instances; and as the L. Baltemore is confident 
the Assembly in Maryland had no intention by those words, 



1650] LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 177 

Charles the first, etc. to infer a second King of that name, no 
more had he, in his assent to that Law, any such thought or 
meaning; and the comportment of him and his Officers in 
Maryland above-mentioned, towards the Parliament, and 
their friends, doth sufficiently confirme it. 

Among other priviledges granted to the L. Baltemore, and 
the Inhabitants of Maryland, by his said Patent, one is, (by 
an expresse clause therein inserted) that the said Province 
should not from thence forward be, or be reputed any part of 
Virginia, 1 or bee dependent or subject to their Government in 
any thing, (although the Government of Virginia was then 
immediately in the Kings hands) but was, by the said Pat- 
ent, (in express words) seperated from it, and so it hath 
been ever since, which was one of the chief est incouragements, 
upon confidence whereof, the L. Baltemore, and others, adven- 
tured so great a part of their estates thither as aforesaid, for 
it was the priviledges and immunities, and not the land only, 
granted by the said Patent, which did chiefly induce the Lord 
Baltemore to make so great an Adventure, without which he 
would not certainly, upon the conditions of a common Planter, 
have disbursed any thing upon a Plantation in America: 
Wherefore he hopes the Parliament will not think it just, or 
fit, to deprive him, and the Inhabitants of Maryland of so 
important a priviledge, (which is their inheritance, and dearly 
purchased by them) by putting them now under the Govern- 
ment of Virginia, upon colour of any Articles agreed on, when 
the Virginians were declared enemies of this Commonwealth, 
and the rather, because even in point of policy also, (as is 
humbly conceived) for certain Reasons of State heerunto 
annexed, it will be more advantageous to the honour and in- 
terest of this Commonwealth, to keep those two Governments 
still divided, and to preserve and protect the Lord Baltemore's 
rights and priviledges aforesaid in Maryland, then to destroy 
either of them. 

1 See the charter, p. Ill, supra. 



178 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1653 



Reasons of State, concerning Maryland in America. 

1. First, It is much better to keep that Government still 
divided from Virginia (as it hath beene for these twenty yeares 
last past,) then to unite them ; for, by that meanes, this Com- 
mon-wealth will have the more power over both, by making 
one an Instrument (as occasion shall require) to keep the 
other in its due obedience to this Common-wealth. 

2. Secondly, in case any defection should happen in either 
Colony (as lately was in Virginia) the other may be a place of 
refuge for such as shall continue faithfull to this Common- 
wealth, as Maryland lately was, upon that occasion, which it 
could not have beene, in case the Government of that place had 
been, at that time, united unto, or had had any dependence 
on Virginia. 

3. Thirdly, it will cause an emulation in both, which of 
them shall give the better account of their proceedings to the 
Supreme Authority of this Common-wealth, on which they 
both depend, and also which of them shall give better satisfac- 
tion to the Planters and Adventurers of both. 

4. Fourthly, the Lord Baltemore having an estate, and his 
residence in England, this Commonwealth will have a better 
assurance of the due obedience of that Plantation, and the 
Planters and Adventurers thither, of having right done unto 
them, in case the Government thereof have still a dependence 
on him, and he upon this Commonwealth, (as he had before 
on the late King) then if the Government of that place at so 
remote a distance, should be disposed of into other hands who 
had little or nothing here to be responsible for it, and whose 
interest and residence were wholly there. 

5. Fifthly, by the continuance of his Interest in the Gov- 
ernment thereof, this Commonwealth and the people there, 
are eased of the charge of a Deputy Governour; which he, at 
his own charges, maintains, the Inhabitants there being yet 
so poor, (and so like to be for many years) as they are not able 
to contribute any thing towards it. 

6. Sixthly, if the L. Baltemore should, by this Common- 
wealth, be prejudiced in any of the rights or priviledges of his 
Patent of that Province, it would be a great discouragement to 



1650] LORD BALTEMORE'S CASE 179 

others in forraign Plantations, upon any exigency, to adhere 
to the interest of this Commonwealth, because it is notoriously 
known, that, by his expresse direction, his Officers and the 
people there, did adhere to the interest of this Commonwealth, 
when all other English Plantations (except New-England) 
declared against the Parliament, and at that time received 
their friends in time of distresse, for which he was like divers 
times to be deprived of his Interest there, by the Colony of 
Virginia, and others, who had Commission from the late Kings 
eldest Sonne for that purpose, as appears by a Commission 
granted by him to Sir William Davenant, 1 the Original whereof 
remaines with the Councell of State, and a true Copy thereof 
is hereunto annexed. 



' A true Copy of a Commission, from the late Kings eldest 
Sonne, to Mr. William Davenant, concerning Mary- 
land, the Originall whereof remains with the Councel of 
State. 

Charles R. 

Charles, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, 
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To Our 
Trusty and Well-beloved Sir William Davenant, Knight, and 
to all others, to whom these presents shall come, greeting: 
Whereas the Lord Baltemore, Proprietary of the Province and 
Plantations of Maryland in America, doth visibly adhere to 
the Rebells of England, and admit all kinde of Schismaticks, 
and Sectaries, and other ill-affected persons into the said Plan- 
tations of Maryland, so that We have cause to apprehend very 
great prejudice to Our Service thereby, and very great danger 
to Our Plantations in Virginia, who have carried themselves 
with so much Loyalty and Fidelity, to the King Our Father, of 
blessed memory, and to Us; Know yee therefore, That Wee, 
reposing speciall trust and confidence in the courage, con- 
duct, loyalty, and good affection to Us, of you Sir William 
Davenant, and for prevention of the danger and inconveniences 
above-mentioned, doe by these presents, nominate, consti- 

^ir William Davenant, the royalist poet (1605-1668), appointed poet- 
laureate in 1637. 



180 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1650 

tute, and appoint you Our Lieutenant Governour of the said 
Province, or Plantations of Maryland, with all Forts, Castles, 
Plantations, Ports, and other Strengths thereunto belonging; 
to have, hold, exercise, and enjoy the said place and command 
of Our Lieutenant Governour of Maryland, during Our pleasure, 
with all Rights, Priviledges, Profits, and Allowances any wayes 
appertaining, or belonging to the same: And although Wee 
intend not hereby to prejudice the right of the Proprietary in 
the Soyle, but have for Our Security, thought fit to intrust you, 
during these troubles; 1 Wee notwithstanding give you full 
Power and Authority to doe all things in the said Plantations, 
which shall bee necessary for Our Service, and for securing 
them in their Loyalty, and Obedience to Us, and prevention of 
all dangers that may arise from thence to Our Loyall Planta- 
tions of Virginia: Further, requiring and commanding you to 
hold due correspondence with Our Trusty and Well-beloved 
Sir William Berkley, Knight, Our Governour of the said Plan- 
tations of Virginia, and to comply with him in all things nec- 
essary for Our Service, and the mutuall good of both Planta- 
tions, requiring and commanding hereby all Officers, and 
Ministers, and all other Our Subjects whatsoever of the said 
Plantations of Maryland, to admit and receive you Our said 
Lieutenant Governour, according to this Our Commission, 
and to obey and pursue your Order in all things, according 
to the Authority Wee have given you; and likewise requir- 
ing and commanding Our Governour and Counsell of Virginia, 
and likewise all other Our loving Subjects of Virginia, to bee 
aiding and assisting to you, not onely to the settling and estab- 
lishing of your Authority, as our Lieutenant Governour of 
Maryland, but also in all such helps and assistances, as may 
be necessary for your preservation there, and for the mutuall 
good of both Plantations, as aforesaid. 

Given at Our Court in Jersey, the 16. day of Febru- 
ary, 16f§ in the second Yeare of Our Reigne. 

1 "This clause includes Soyle and all". (Marginal note in the printed 
original.) 



VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND, OR THE LORD 
BALTAMORE'S PRINTED CASE UNCASED 
AND ANSWERED, 1655 



INTRODUCTION 

The following pamphlet, which was published in London 
in 1655, is in form of answer to the narrative next preceding 
in this publication, The Lord Baltemore's Case, which had been 
printed two years before. But as the letter was in fact a 
defence or plea to the attacks that had been made upon the 
authority and administration of the proprietary government in 
the province of Maryland by the commissioners of Parliament, 
this paper may be regarded rather as a rejoinder than an 
answer. 

It is to be noted that the date of this pamphlet is subse- 
quent to the termination of the Parliament by which the 
commissioners were appointed for the reduction of the planta- 
tions within the Chesapeake Bay, and the assumption of the 
supreme power in England by Cromwell as Lord Protector. 
While the commissioners were declaring their acts to be done in 
the name of the Lord Protector, there is no evidence that 
they had been re-commissioned by him. In fact they seem 
to have apprehended that their authority in Maryland was 
abrogated, for on September 26, 1655, Cromwell was moved 
to write in answer to inquiry from them an explanation of a 
former letter, referred to as dated January 12 preceding, which 
he declared was merely intended to forbid any violence between 
Virginia and Maryland on the subject of their respective 
boundaries. 1 

1 Thurloe's State Papers, IV. 55. Bozman's History of Maryland, II. 688 
(appendix, no. LXXXVI). The text of the letter dated January 12, 1654/5, is 
contained in the pamphlet Hammond vs. Heamans, reprinted in the Maryland 
Historical Magazine, IV. 248. 

183 



184 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

The events which led to the conflict or battle at the Severn 
near Annapolis on March 25, 1655, are as follows: Under cir- 
cumstances already noted, 1 the Council of State of the English 
Parliament on September 26, 1651, appointed Captain Robert 
Denis, Mr. Richard Bennett, Mr. Thomas Stagge, and Captain 
Claiborne commissioners "to reduce all the plantations within 
the Bay of Chesapeake to their due obedience to the parlia- 
ment of the Commonwealth of England." Captain Denis 
and Mr. Stagge sailed from England on the ship John, of which 
the former was commander, and perished in the wreck of that 
vessel. It was provided, however, in the commission, that in 
the event of the death of Captain Denis his place should be 
taken by Captain Edmund Curtis, commander of the frigate 
Guinea. Captain Curtis arrived safely in Virginia with a du- 
plicate copy of the commission. There he was joined by the 
other two commissioners, Bennett and Claiborne, the former 
one of the Puritans from Virginia who had sought and obtained 
sanctuary in Maryland, and the other the persistent claimant 
of Kent Island. The government of Virginia was promptly re- 
organized, Bennett being declared governor, and Claiborne a 
member of the Council and secretary, "next in authority to the 
governor." 

Attention was then given to Maryland. Governor Stone, 
a Protestant, was willing enough to take the engagement of 
submission to the Commonwealth of England, but declined to 
issue writs, etc., otherwise than in the name of the Lord 
Proprietary, declaring that to do so would be a violation of his 
oath already given to the latter. He was therefore summarily 
removed from office together with Mr. Thomas Hatton the sec- 
retary, and the other members of the Council, and a new Coun- 
cil of six persons appointed in their place. This action was 
taken by Bennett, Curtis, and Claiborne, commissioners, by an 
instrument dated at St. Mary's, March 29, 1652, and signed 

1 See p. 165, supra. 



INTRODUCTION 185 

by all three. This is the last we hear of Captain Curtis upon 
this service. Probably his engagements as a seafarer took 
him away from the colonies. 

But the remaining commissioners soon found that they had 
made a mistake, and in response to "the desire of the inhabi- 
tants" reinstated Governor Stone and Secretary Hatton to 
their places on the Council and their former offices, Governor 
Stone to act "according to his former power, reserving and 
saving to himself as also to the aforesaid Mr. Thomas Hatton, 
Robert Brooke esqr. and Captain John Price their oaths 
made to the Lord Baltimore, Lord Proprietor of this Province 
until the pleasure of the State of England be further known." * 

This action was taken by the commissioners Bennett and 
Claiborne under date of June 28, 1652, just three months after 
Governor Stone had been removed from office. The latter 
accepted his reinstatement at the hands of the commissioners 
and continued to issue writs, etc., in the name of the Lord 
Proprietary, as he might reasonably have understood that he 
was authorized to do by the express reservation of the oath 
previously taken by him to the Proprietary. 

For this and other alleged acts in recognition of the Lord 
Proprietary's authority, Governor Stone and Council were again 
summarily removed by commissioners Bennett and Claiborne, 
and ten commissioners, of whom Leonard Strong was one, 
were appointed in their stead "for the well ordering, directing 
and governing the affairs of Maryland." This was done by an 
instrument dated at Patuxent, July 22, 1654, and issued "in 
the name of his Highness the Lord Protector of England, Scot- 
land, Ireland and all the Dominions thereto belonging." Of 
the former Council, but one, Mr. Richard Preston, was included 
among the new commissioners, of whom William Fuller, one of 
the refugees from Virginia, was made chief with William Du- 
rand as secretary. To the latter Secretary Hatton was re- 
quired to deliver the records of the province. 

1 Archives of Maryland, III. 275. 



186 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

Meanwhile, Cromwell had very effectively dissolved the 
Long Parliament by military intervention on April 20, 1653, 
and the Barebones Parliament on December 12, and had 
assumed the supreme authority under the title of Lord Pro- 
tector, which was proclaimed by Stone in Maryland May 6, 
1654. Lord Baltimore appears to have held that upon the 
dissolution of the Parliament the authority of the com- 
missioners appointed by it ceased, and as the Lord Protector 
had taken no action against his charter, he was reinstated in 
the enjoyment of all his former rights simply by the termi- 
nation of the power of those by whom he had been deprived. 
He therefore instructed Governor Stone to assert his authority, 
by force if necessary. 1 

The government of Maryland was finally peaceably sur- 
rendered into the hands of Lord Baltimore in 1658, under the 
terms of an agreement entered into in England between him 
and Richard Bennett, one of the commissioners. Josias Fen- 
dall was appointed Lieutenant Governor of Maryland by the 
Lord Proprietary, and acted as his representative in consum- 
mating the agreement, publishing its terms, and recovering 
from the committee of government the great seal and other 
evidences of authority. 2 

This pamphlet and the one preceding were written in advo- 
cacy respectively of the opposite sides of a controversy. The 
possession of Maryland was the real issue in the case. It has 
been sought to point out in foot-notes where the zeal of con- 
troversy has gone to the extent of coloring facts or of so pre- 
senting them as to cause misapprehension. 

The text here given has been collated with a copy of the 
original edition in the Harvard College Library. The pamphlet 
was reprinted in 1838 by Peter Force, in Historical Tracts, 
vol. II., no. 9. 

C. C. H. 

1 Archives of Maryland, III. 298, 300. 
9 Archives of Maryland, III. 332, etc. 



VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND, OR THE LORD 
BALTAMORE'S PRINTED CASE UNCASED 
AND ANSWERED, 1655 

Virginia and Maryland, or The Lord Baltamore's printed 
CASE, uncased and answered. Shewing, the illegality of his 
Patent, and Usurpation of Royal Jurisdiction and Do- 
minion there. 

With, The Injustice and Tyranny practised in the Government, 
against the Laws and Liberties of the English Nation, and 
the just Right and Interest of the Adventurers and Planters. 

Also, A short Relation of the Papists late Rebellion against the 
Government of his Highness the Lord Protector, to which they 
were reduced by the Parliaments Commissioners ; but since 
revolting, and by Lord Baltamore's instructions caused to 
assault the Protestants there in their Plantations, were by a 
far lesser number repulsed, some slain, and all the rest taken 
Prisoners. 

To which is added, A brief Account of the Commissioners pro- 
ceedings in the reducing of Maryland, with the Grounds and 
Reason thereof; the Commission and Instructions by which 
they acted ; the Report of the Committee of the Navy, con- 
cerning that Province; and some other Papers and Pas- 
sages relating thereunto : together with the Copy of a Writing 
under the Lord Baltamore's Hand and Seal, 1644, discov- 
ering his Practices, with the King at Oxford against the 
Parliament, concerning the Londoners and others trading 
in Virginia. 

For the oppression of the poor, for the sighing of the needy, now 
will I arise, saith the Lord, I will set him in safety, from 
him that puffeth at him. Psal. 12. 5. 

London, printed and are to be sold at the Crown in Popes-head- 
Ally, and in Westminster Hall. 1655. 1 

1 The title-page of the original. 

187 



188 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1607-1623 

In the yeer 1607, divers preceding discoveries having con- 
firmed an Opinion, That the Country of Virginia was fit for 
Plantation; It pleased God to affect the mindes of very many 
worthily disposed Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others to con- 
ceive it as a matter of great Religion and Honour, to under- 
take the work of perfecting a Christian Plantation in those 
parts. Whereupon King James was pleased to become the 
first Founder of this noble work, and by his Letters Patents 
from time to time renewed and enlarged, granted all ample 
Privileges and Immunities, both to those that managed in 
England, and those that went to inhabit there: which gave 
so great an encouragement that fifty Earls and Barons, three 
hundred and fifty Knights, and six hundred Gentlemen, and 
Merchants of primest rank became incorporated, and were 
originally named in the Letters Patents by the name of the 
Company of Virginia, being a greater union of Nobles and 
Commons, then ever concurred to such an undertaking. But 
nevertheless, partly by the natural difficulties incident to all 
new Plantations; but chiefly, through the unnatural and 
faulty impediments arising by the cross agitations of two 
powerful factions in the Company, the work went heavily on 
for the first twelve yeers, appearing desperate in the several 
ill successes thereof. And though afterward somewhat ad- 
vanced and prosperous, yet in the yeer 1621 * by the fatal blow 
of a Massacre, it was almost shattered to pieces, and brought 
to a very low and calamitous condition; which occasion the 
contrary faction presently took hold of, insomuch that they 
exceedingly slighted the action, and cared [ceased?] not to cast 
aspersions on the Country, and on the whole management of 
that affair. And then further strongly possessed and advised 
the then King, against the form of the Companies Govern- 
ment, as consisting of an excessive number of Councellours, 
and a confused Popularity, as being a Nurse of Parliamentary 
spirits, and obnoxious to Monarchical Government. There- 
upon Order was made upon the eighth day of October, 1623, 2 
at the Council-Table, whereby the Company were moved to 
give in their assents for surrendering their Patent, and alter- 
ing their form of Government, and a new one proposed, 

"March 22, 1621/2. 

2 Its text is in Brock, Virginia Company, II. 229-230. 



1624-1625] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 189 

wherein the Interests and Rights of all men should be pre- 
served : which Order the Company not submitting unto, A Quo 
Warranto was directed for the calling in of their Patent, and 
an advantage taken upon their mispleading. The Patent was 
condemned in Trinity-Term following; but for many yeers 
after, not vacated upon the Record in the Office of the Rolls, 
whereby some that sought the overthrow of the Lord Balta- 
more's Patent for Maryland, in the beginning of the Parlia- 
ment, 1640, took out the Virginia Patent again under the 
broad Seal of England : therefore thought by primest Lawyers 
now to be unquestionably in force, at least to point of interest ; 
and that Patent of Maryland unconsistent and void. 

Thus in brief was the late Company dissolved, and a 
Commission given to divers Lords and others, for present 
directing and ordering the affairs of Virginia; and that they 
should advise touching a better form of Government for ad- 
vancing and establishing the Colony. Then issued also sev- 
erall Proclamations, and several Orders from the Council- 
Table, with great assurances under the Broad Seal and privy 
Seal, that all men, with the Adventurers and Planters, should 
be assured, that their Rights and Interests should be con- 
served and enlarged, onely alteration in point of Government. 
But both that Commission and renewing of the Companies 
Charter expired, and all those Proceedings were delayed, by 
reason of the death of King James, which then suddenly en- 
sued. The principal scope of that Commission was, that they 
should finde a better form of Government for the Countryes 
advancement, and therein was especially promised the con- 
servation of every man's right; intentions worthy the wis- 
dom and justice of so great a Prince. But nothing was done 
by those Commissioners touching either of those ends, nor by 
those by whose prosecutions these things hapened, who having 
attained their private ends of spleen and profit upon the 
changes and revolutions of ensuing times deserted the interest 
of the Colony, and left her weltring in her blood, unsupplied 
with Ammunition and Arms in the heat of a difficult war with 
the Indians: the burthen and charge whereof was onely un- 
dergone by the remaining Planters, who thus forsaken by their 
former friends, were constrained both to work and fight for 
their lives and subsistance; and thereby preserved the Col- 



190 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1633-1634 

ony from desertion, and at last restored it by the blessing of 
God to peace and plenty. 

And then, about the yeer 1633, Lord Baltamore pretend- 
ing, though not truely, the greatest part of the Country was 
unplanted, procured that the aforesaid judgement so long 
delayed, was entred, and obtained a Patent, for that part 
now called Maryland, which he hath since held with a few 
people and small Adventurers, debarring of those to whom it 
belonged from planting of it; destroying and ruinating those 
formerly seated under Virginia, at the Isle of Kent; and inter- 
dicting Trade with the Indians for Furs, discovered and begun 
by the Virginians, by direction and commission from the 
King; which since by this means is enjoyed by the Dutch and 
Swedes, with the profit of many thousand pounds yeerly; 
which Trade had been solely in the English Nations hands, 
had not the Lord Baltamore interdicted it, and seized all Ves- 
sels, and displanted their Plantations. 1 And those Swedes 
and Dutch do trade for great quantities of Guns Powder and 
Shot with our Indians, to the total endangering this Colony, 
if not timely prevented. Such a ground- Work, had the Patent 
of Maryland upon the Rights and Labours of others; and as 
unreasonable and unjust have been the whole proceedings 
and management of their Colony and Interests, at their first 
arrival surprising and confiscating many Vessels with the 
Goods of divers that they found trading with the Natives 
under the commissions of Virginia, which they had enjoyed 
neer thirty yeers. And professing an establishment of the 
Romish Religion onely, 2 they suppressed the poor Protestants 

1 Maryland comprises, not the "greatest part," but a small area only of the 
land embraced in the original grant to the Virginia Company, the charter of 
which had been abrogated. No grants of land had been made within its area. 
The contention of Claiborne in respect to Kent Island is briefly discussed in the 
Introduction to the Letter of Thomas Yong (p. 50, supra). Trade within Mary- 
land by Virginians without licence from Lord Baltimore had been forbidden by 
order of the Lords Commissioners for Plantations April 4, 1638, and by procla- 
mation of the Governor of Virginia October 4, 1638; Archives of Maryland, III. 
72, 79. There \aafe neither Dutch nor Swedes within the limits of Maryland at 
the date of the charter or of the settlement of the province. 

2 The missions in Maryland were in charge of the Jesuit Fathers, but there 
was never any establishment of the Roman Catholic Church in the province. 
See Lord Baltimore's Instructions, p. 16, supra, and the Act concerning Religion, 
pp. 269-273, infra. 



1634] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 191 

among them, and carried on the whold frame of their Govern- 
ment in the Lord Proprietaries name; all their Proceedings, 
Judicature, Tryals and Warrants, in his name, Power and 
Dignity, and from him onely: 1 not the least mention of the 
Soveraign Authority of England in all their Government; to 
that purpose, forceably imposing Oaths, (judged illegal in a 
Report made by Committee of the Council of State, 1652,) 
to maintain his royal Jurisdictions, Prerogatives, and Do- 
minions, as absolute Lord and Proprietary, to protect chiefly 
the Roman Catholick Religion in the free exercise thereof; 
and all done by yeerly Instructions from him out of England, 
as if he had been absolute Prince and King. By all which it 
is easily evident, that the Patent of Maryland was grounded 
upon no good foundation. 

The King being mis-informed; when in nothing more 
deeply and directly, could the Honour and Justice of his 
Throne be concerned, then 2 in confirming and conserving 
the Interest of so great a conjunction of Nobles, Knights, 
Gentlemen and Merchants, who so piously and worthyly ad- 
ventured their Moneys, and expended their Estates and 
Labours; whose Rights and Interests, though their Patent 
were called in, for the time, in point of Government, yet had 
received the most solemn Declarations and Assurances, under 
the Broad Seal and Privy Signet, Orders of Councels, Letters to 
the Colony, and by general Proclamations there and here. 

That it were impious to think that either the then King 
or King James being rightly enformed, would ever have 
granted such a Patent as this of Maryland, it being neer two 
third parts of the better Territory of Virginia; 3 and as no way 
consistent with Equity, and the Honor and publick Faith of 
the Kingdom: so was no way agreeable (in the absolute and 
regal power assumed and executed by him) to the late Mo- 
narchical Government, or to the present Authority of the 
Commonwealth of England, under his Highness the Lord 
Protector, and most injurious to the Rights and Interests of 
the noble Adventurers and the painful hide fat "gible Planters, 
who had so long under God, conserved the Country from 
total ruine. 

1 See charter, pp. 105, 106, et seq., supra. 

2 Than. 3 See preceding page, note 1. 



192 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1623-1625 

A short and successive Narration of most of the aforesaid vublick 
Assurances, follows viz. 

1. By an Order of the Councel the eighth of October, 1623, 
before the Quo Warranto brought, to Arm the mindes of the 
Adventurers and Planters against any mistaken fear and 
apprehension, as if their Estates should receive prejudice. 

2. And whereas the Lords of the Councel were enformed, 
that the intended change of the Government, had begot a 
general discouragement amongst the Adventurers: notwith- 
standing sundry other Declarations made at the Board, Viva 
Voce, and that former Act of Councel, their Lordships were 
pleased by an Order of the twentieth of October, 1623/ to 
declare again, that there was no other intention, but onely 
and meerly in reforming and change of the present Govern- 
ment; and that no man should receive any prejudice, but 
have his Estate fully and wholly confirmed; and if in any 
thing defective, better to be secured; which Order was sent 
over by their Lordships command, and published in Virginia 
for encouragement of the Planter. 

3. King James was also pleased to express the same in his 
Commission to sundry of his own privy Councel, and other 
Commissioners for the time being, for the affairs of Virginia, 
July 5, 1624, 2 that his intention was to alter the Letters Pat- 
ents, as to the form of Government; but with the preserva- 
tion of the Interest of every Adventurer and Planter. 

4. The like Declaration of the King's intentions was 
exprest in the Commission 3 then sent to Sir Francis Wiat and 
the Councel then appointed by his Majesty, to direct the 
Affairs and People in Virginia; and the like hath been in- 
serted in all King Charles his Commissions, and of all the 
Governours of Virginia, that have been since that time to 
this present. 

5. The said King Charles by his Proclamation May 13, 
1625, 4 declared, That his aim was onely to reduce the Gov- 

1 Text in Brock, Virginia Company, II. 234—235. 

2 July 15. Text in Hazard's Historical Collections, I. 183, and Rymer's 
Foedera, XVII. 609-613. 

3 August 26, 1624. Hazard, I. 189-192; Rymer, XVIII. 618. 
* Hazard, I. 203-205; Rymer, XVIII. 72. 



1634] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 193 

ernment into such a right course, as might best agree with the 
form held in the rest of his Monarchy, and not intended to 
impeach the interest of any Adventurer or Planter in Virginia. 

6. The Lords of the Councel by their Letter dated the 24 
of October, 1625, 1 declare to the Colony, That the Kings pleas- 
ure was to preserve every man's particular right, and the 
Planters to enjoy their former priviledges; with addition of 
other requisite immunities; encouraging also the Planter to 
discoveries both by Sea and Land; and to perfect the Trade 
of Furs: which Letter, according to their Lordships com- 
mand, was published in Virginia. But Captain Cleyborn, 
who was thereupon imployd by Commission from the Gover- 
nour, under the King's Broad Seal, and the Seal of the Colony, 
and then discovered those parts of the Trade of Maryland, was 
thereby utterly undone, supplanted and expelled by the Lord 
Baltamore. 

7. The King also, for the encouragement of the Planters, 
by his Royal Letters the 12 of September, 1628, 2 was pleased to 
promise thereby to renew and confirm unto the Colony under 
the great Seal of England, their Lands and Priviledges formerly 
granted to them. 

8. And when the generall Assembly, consisting of the 
Governours, Councel, and Burgesses of the whole Colony 
complained to the Lords of the Councel, of the interruption of 
their Trade by the Lord Baltamore's Deputies their Lord- 
ships were pleased by their Letter July 22, 1634, 3 to signifie 
that the Plantation of Virginia should enjoy their Estates 
and Trade, with the same freedom and priviledge as they did 
before the recalling of their Patent. 

By all which it appears, that howsoever the Government 
could not be reduced from that popular form of the Company 
in England, but by revocation of the Patent itself; yet in 
respect of both those Kings Declarations, and the Lords 
Orders, the Adventurers and Planters of Virginia, as to their 
Rights and Priviledges, according to the Rule of Equity, 
remain in the same condition, as if no such Judgement had 
been given. 

1 Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, I. 92-95. 
2 Virginia Magazine of History, VII. 267. 
8 Printed in Chalmers, Political Annals, p. 131. 



194 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

Object. 1 But they answer hereunto to this effect, though 
not truely neither, That the Lord Baltamore his Patent takes 
in no part, that the Virginians had then planted, and so the 
interests of all men is preserved; and, that Maryland is no 
other, then a particular Plantation, as the Company used to 
grant to divers Adventurers and Planters; and, that the King 
might do as much as the Company while they stood. 

Answ. 1. We reply, That the Adventurers and Planters 
were encouraged to expend their Estates, in so vast a propor- 
tion, and to hazard their lives in all extremities, alwayes ac- 
companying new designs and beginnings, in hope, that their 
shares upon the division of Lands, being four hundred Miles 
along the Seashore, and into the Land from Sea to Sea, would 
recompence them and their Heirs, as in Ireland, heretofore, and 
now is done. But this Interest by the Patent of the Lord 
Baltamore's comprehending neer two degrees, which is an 
hundred and twenty Miles, is wholly taken from them, and 
scarce is there any room for any Adventurers to take up any 
Land due unto them. 

It is truely answered, that all the Adventurers of the Com- 
pany were Tenants in common to all the Land, which was not 
actually divided and set out, and their claim cannot justly 
be thus nullified, and yet their interest said to be reserved. 

3. It is granted, That the Lord Baltamore may have as 
large a proportion of Land, as ever was granted to any by the 
Company, though his adventures have never been proportion- 
able to som mens. But we think it agreeing to reason, that he 
should people it, and either shew his right to it by the advent- 
ure of people sent over to plant it, which was by the Company 
appointed to be fifty Acres to every person transported thither; 
otherwise, how unreasonable is it, that he should possess two 
third parts of the Bay of Virginia, which may perhaps be said 
to be as big as the Kingdom of England and Scotland, and 
yet now in many years have not more men there, except such 
as have gone from Virginia, then can or do plant as much as 
is contained in a small corner thereof, and those chiefly em- 
ployed in Tobacco ; and the great name of Maryland is but in 
effect made a factory for Trade ; Ammunition and Arms being 
as commonly sold to the Indians (though not altogether so 

1 1, e., objection. 



1655] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 195 

openly) as among the Swedes and Dutch: a Nursery for 
Jesuits, and a bar to keep off other Planters from the greatest 
part of the Country left void, and for the most part not known 
by him or his. 

5. We say, that after we had discovered, and brought the 
Indians of those parts of Maryland to a Trade of Corn and 
Beaver, by virtue of the King's instructions under the Broad 
Seal of England, with the expence of our Bloods and Estates, 
and exercised annual intercourse with them above eight and 
twenty yeers: how can it be said, our Interests and Rights 
are preserved, when we are forbidden this Trade, our Men 
slain, Vessels and Goods seized, Persons imprisoned, and the 
whole Trade assumed onely to the Lord Baltamore's use, 
and he not able to manage it neither, but left it to the Swedes 
and Dutch? 

6. And chiefly we answer, We claim Right by Possession, 
having planted the Isle of Kent almost three yeers before ever 
the name of Maryland was heard of, and Burgesses for that 
place sitting in the Assembly of Virginia; whereby it is evi- 
dent, that the Lord Baltamore's suggestions to the King, 
mentioned in his Patent, that those parts were uncultivated 
and unplanted, unless by barbarous people not having the 
knowledge of God, was a mis-information; and by it, that 
Patent appears to be surreptitiously and illegally gotten: 1 
and if the Lord Baltamore takes away those Lands from them, 
who have also purchased the Interest of the Natives (a Right 
not inconsiderable) and seize their Goods, and that in an 
hostile manner as he hath done ; How can it be said, that those 
mens Interests and Rights are preserved, they being the first 
Discoverers of that Island, by vertue of the King's Commission, 
and planted there under the Government of Virginia, on the 
confidence they apprehended from the former assurances, and 
there began in great part the Trade of Furs. 

How unjust an intrusion then will the Lord Baltamore's 

1 George, Lord Baltimore, visited Virginia in October, 1629, and upon his 
return to England shortly afterward applied to the king for the charter of Mary- 
land. The region was correctly described as being uninhabited at that time, 
as Claiborne did not establish his post at Kent Island until 1631. The charter 
of Maryland was granted in June, 1632, to Cecilius Lord Baltimore, his father 
who was the applicant having died in April of that year. 



196 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

Patent appear, which overthrows the Interests of so many 
and such Persons: for the Company of Virginia were of a 
nature diversified from other Companies; which if it had not 
been founded on so good Grounds, yet their zeal and pious 
endeavours to propagate the true Christian Religion, enlarge 
the English Dominions, and to encrease the Trade and Strength 
of shipping, and considerably the Customes, do deserve justice, 
with addition of reward for so honourable and good intentions. 
In the next place, to prove the Lord Baltamore's usurpa- 
tion of Royal Jurisdiction and Dominion in Maryland, as ab- 
solute Lord and Proprietary, there needs no more then his 
Commissions and Processes running in this stile, viz. We, 
Us, and, Given under our hand and greater Seal of Arms, in 
such a yeer of our Dominion, etc. The Oath also, that he 
tenders to all his Subjects and the Inhabitants, such being 
the very words thereof, as by the Oath itself, copied from his 
own hand, and herewith published, appears. This is surely 
incompatible to the English Nation, that there should be any 
such principality erected over them, whereas the books of Law 
teach us, that all Writs, Executions, and Commands ought to 
be done in the name of the Supream Authority onely, and is so 
appointed by the late Platform of Government, for all the 
Dominions of the Commonwealth, of which this is a part ; and 
by a late Ordinance declaring Treason upon such penalty, 
that none ought to exercise any power, but in the Lord Pro- 
tector's name; and these men acting so wilfully, cannot ex- 
cuse themselves. By the ancient English Laws, all those 
Pleas that concern Life, and Member, and Pardons, cannot be 
done in the name of any inferior Person; and all Writs, In- 
dictments, and Process as heretofore, so must now only be in 
the name of the Lord Protector, and not in the name of the 
Lord Baltamore's, as he hath assumed in Maryland. And 
whereas the Lord Baltamore pretends to the like priviledges 
as in the County-Palatine of Duresme, 1 even those priviledges 
of Duresme, and all the other County-Palatines of England, 

1 Durham. The palatine authority of the Bishop of Durham, although 
much curtailed in 1535 (27 Henry VIII. c. 25), was not finally abolished until 1836. 
Until that date courts were held and writs issued in the name of the Bishop, not 
of the Crown. The exercise by Lord Baltimore in Maryland of the powers men- 
tioned in the text was in strict accordance with the express terms of his charter. 



1644] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 197 

were, and are taken away as dishonorable, and incongruent to 
the English Nation, by the Statute of the 27 Hen. 8. 25. With 
what strange confidence then doth the Lord Baltamore pub- 
lish to the world, That these Royalties and Priviledges are 
warranted by his Patent, when as they are contrary to Law, 
and to the Government now established under his Highness, 
and to a Clause in his Patent, wherein it is provided, That no 
Construction be made thereof, whereby the Government in the 
Common- wealth of England should suffer any prejudice or 
diminution. 

Whereby it appears there was as good Cause to reduce 
Maryland as Virginia; the People and General Assembly 
thereof also complaining of their Grievance, among many 
other exorbitant Usurpations of Lord Baltamore over them, 
as appears by their Complaint in Governor Green's time, made 
and Recorded there by a Committee of that Assembly: But 
'tis known that Governor Green was deposed by Lord Balta- 
more, for suffering that Committee, and not for proclaiming 
the Kings Son, 1 as he aleadgeth, when no such thing appears 
in rerum natura, nor no word in all his many Instructions, of 
the Parliament, much less of his pretended affection to them, 
or their friends, but clean contrary: And 'tis notoriously 
known that all the Lord Baltamore's Governors usually took 
the Kings part against the Parliament; and his Brother, Mr. 
Leo. Calvert, his only Governor while he lived there, ever 
declared himself against them: And to evince this irrefrage- 
ably, and clearly to demonstrate the management and com- 
plexion of this business, both Lord Baltamore himself, and his 
Brother, by long Solicitations at Oxford, procured and sent 
over in Anno 1644 Commissions under the Kings Broad Seal, 
to surprize the Parliaments and London-ships in Virginia ; and 

1 On June 9, 1647, Governor Leonard Calvert on his death-bed co mm issioned 
Thomas Greene, a member of the Council, as his successor. On August 6, 1648, 
Lord Baltimore, deeming it wise, in view of the situation of affairs in England, 
that the governor of Maryland should be a Protestant, commissioned William 
Stone to that office. On September 20, 1649, Governor Stone, having occasion 
to go to Virginia, appointed his predecessor Greene to act as his deputy during 
his absence. Greene seized upon the opportunity afforded by his brief authority 
to proclaim Charles II. king. This was on November 15, 1649. Governor 
Greene's temporary commission was shortly thereafter terminated by the return 
of Governor Stone. See p. 164, supra. 



198 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1652 

to impose Customs, raise Regiments, and Fortifie the Country 
against the Parliament; which appears by several Writings 
under the Lord Baltamore's Hand and Seal, (one of which is 
hereunto annexed.) They did with zeal proclaim the Kings 
Son, Charles the Second, at Maryland; and some that read 
it, and assisted therein, of the primest rank, are still continued 
Counsellors by him, and never a word of blame; whereas 'tis 
evident his own Interest is more than circumspectly watcht 
over, and contended for. How can he pretend that his Gov- 
ernor, Captain Stone, bare any affection to the Parliament, 
when without check from himself, in their Assemblies Laws, 
he used the name of King, and His Majesty; and of Charles 
the First, when the Second was Proclaimed there? And why 
did Lord Baltamore himself in England advisedly consent 
and approve those Laws in terminis, under his hand, 1650, if 
such had not been his own thoughts toward the Parliament? 1 
The Commissioners that were imployed by the Parliament to 
Reduce Virginia, Anno 1652, were commanded to Reduce all 
the Plantations in the Bay of Chesapiak: and then, that all 
Writs should issue in the Names of the Keepers of the Lib- 
ertie of England: They saw not how they could decline this 
service, well knowing how contrary to those Commands, and 
the Honor and Interest of the Parliament, the Government of 
Maryland was exercised; and think strange any should pre- 
tend assistance and supply of Victuals from Maryland to that 
Fleet, when no such thing ever was; that the Parliament Ships 
were entertained there in his Harbors, whenas never any of 
them came at Maryland, nor within near 100. miles thereof, 
save only the Ginny 2 Frigot, who went thither to Reduce that 
Province; they knew his Governor had alwayes bore affection 
to the Kings side, that Charles the Second (as hath been said) 
was proclaimed there, that the Councel were all Papists, 3 
or indifferently affected, and that they refused to Govern 
the people by the Laws of England (another Clause in the 
Parliaments Commission) to which several of their actings, 
and even Lord Baltamore's Instructions were contrary, as in 

1 See Lord Baltemore's Case, pp. 175-177, supra. 2 Guinea. 

3 At the time of the appointment of Governor Stone in August, 1648, Lord 
Baltimore changed the composition of the Council so that one-half the members 
were Protestants. Previous to that date they had all been Roman Catholics. 



1655] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 199 

this particular, and many others, appears by the Reports of 
the Committee of the Navy, and the Councel of State, to whom 
the Parliament referred this Cause; a Copy of which Report 
is hereunto annexed: And they ruled in Maryland in such an 
absolute way and authority, as no Christian Prince or State in 
Europe exercises the like. 

His Governor hath an absolute Negative Voice in all things, 
and in the Assembly of the Burgesses; calls into the Upper 
House (as he terms it) 1 whom he will, to over- vote the rest; 
places and dis-places whom he will in that Councel: and the 
Lord Baltamore himself, though in England, appoints all 
Officers, even to the meanest degree; and who flatter him most, 
are sure to have it: His Mandates are sent over to stop Jus- 
tice, and the Judges imprisoned for proceeding according to 
Justice: Writs are given out under the Governors hand in his 
own Case, without any judgement of Court, to seize mens 
Goods into the Governors hands: His Governors are not 
suable for any just debts, and so they usually exercise their 
priviledges even to the oppression and discontent of the 
people: No Appeals allowed from their Courts, though con- 
sisting but of two men, and those perhaps of no great knowl- 
edg or skill in Government, no not to the general Representa- 
tive Assemblies. It would be infinite to rake in this Dunghil ; 
but all indifferent men that have lived and been there, know 
these things to be sad Truths; and surely not without cause, 
have the general Assemblies there, most of the Councel and 
the Freemen, been often contesting with the Lord Baltamore 's 
Governors about these things, and yet could never obtain any 
redress from him; but have resolved to Petition the State of 
England. 

Why therefore should Maryland, so ill Founded, and so ill 
Managed, be wrung from the right of Virginia, against all 
Law and Equity, as is before truely set forth? And be estab- 
lished to Lord Baltamore, a professed Recusant, as his pub- 
lish'd Book intimates; who hath in effect made it a subject 
of his own domination and tyranny (being his main aim :) But 
to colour it, and the better to get friends, first made it a 

1 The Assembly was divided into two houses by its own act in April, 1650. 
The Upper House consisted of the members of the Council and was presided over 
by the Governor. Archives of Maryland, I. 272. 



200 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

receptacle for Papists, and Priests, and Jesuites, in some ex- 
traordinary and zealous manner; but hath since discontented 
them many times and many ways, though Intelligence with 
Bulls, Letters, etc. from the Pope and Rome be ordinary for 
his own Interests; and now admits all sorts of Religions, and 
intended even 2000 Irish, and by his own Letters clears and 
indemnifies one, that said, Those Irish would not leave a Bible 
in Maryland. His Country, till he employed Captain Stone, 
never had but Papist Governours and Counsellors, dedicated 
to St. Ignatius, as they call him, and his Chappel and Holy day 
kept solemnly: The Protestants for the most time miserably 
disturbed in the exercise of their Religion, 1 by many wayes 
plainly enforced, or by subtil practises, or hope of preferment, 
to turn Papists, of which a very sad account may from time 
to time be given, even from their first arrival, to this very day. 
Virginia hath used all good Neighbourhood towards them, 
without which assistance and supply, even of all things, they 
could not have subsisted; for their numbers were inconsider- \ 
able, and their Adventures small and very little after the first 
ship, in comparison of such a work. And though Lord Balta- 
more pretends great Adventures with his Friends thither; 
yet none have appeared there to any considerable value from 
him for many yeers, onely what Merchants, and some few 
have done upon Returns of Tobacco and Beaver: so that in 
Truth it will appear, and that by his own Letters too, Mary- 
land hath been chiefly planted by Virginia from the first to 
last, and by people from thence wanting seats in their nar- 
row limits; 2 Maryland taking away above half the Country, 
which (as hath been said before) was onely discovered by Vir- 
ginia, with continual Trade and abode of people there for 
above 20 yeers, by Commissions and Warrants in the King's 
Name, and was planted by Colonel Claiborn under Virginia 
Government, some yeers before ever the name of Maryland, 
or Lord Baltamore was ever heard of there; which himself 

1 This statement, like many of the allegations in this pamphlet, is without 
foundation in fact. 

s The statement that settlers from Virginia moved to Maryland for lack of 
space in the former colony is obviously incredible. The migration was in fact 
that of Puritans, who, being harassed in Virginia, came to Maryland to enjoy the 
religious liberty that was there extended to all. See p. 163, infra. 






1655] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 201 

knew, though he mis-informed the King, and obtained his 
Patent upon pretence of Unplanted places onely. 1 

But the many illegal Executions and Murthers of several 
persons at the Isle of Kent by the Lord Baltamore's com- 
mands and his Officers; the Imprisonments, Confiscations 
of many mens Estates, and of Widows and Orphans, to the 
destruction of many Families there; especially his seizure 
of Captain Claiborn's Estate, though out of his Patent, because 
planted, to the value of 6000 pounds, with the great tyranny 
and wrong done there, although the then King Declared and 
Commanded the contrary, but was disobeyed by the Lord 
Baltamore's Agents, are too long to be inserted here. 2 

Many Inconveniences and Losses hath Virginia suffered 
by Maryland, of which the continual Invitation and Enter- 
tainment of run-away servants, and protecting fugitive per- 
sons and indebted, is not the least: But above all, it is easie 
to be made appear that the Lord Baltamore hath continually 
ever since their seating there, interposed in the matters of 
Government in Virginia by the potency of his friends in the 
late Kings Court, both by placing and displacing the Gov- 
ernnours, Counsellors, and Supream Officers, as they stood 
affected or were displeasing to him. 

Mr. Bennet and Captain Claiborn being two of the Com- 
missioners, that were imployed by the Parliament to reduce 
Virginia and Maryland, are strangely taxed by Lord Balta- 
more for being his declared enemies: indeed, it seems for their 
service to the Parliament, he is become implacable towards 
them, though Captain Curtis, another . Commissioner now in 
England, and all Maryland can testifie how unwilling, and 

1 See p. 195, note 1, supra. 

2 A bill of attainder was unanimously found by the Assembly of Maryland 
on March 24, 1637/8, against Claiborne, on the charges of piracy and murder, 
and his estate declared forfeited to the Lord Proprietary. Archives of Mary- 
land, I. 23. Three days later an order was issued to the sheriff of Kent Island 
to seize his goods and chattels, of which return was made June 20, 1638. Ibid., 
III. 70, 76. On April 4 of the same year the Lords Commissioners of Plantations 
had denied Claiborne's title to Kent Island and confirmed that of Lord Balti- 
more as Proprietary. Ibid., III. 71. The inhabitants of Kent Island had been 
reduced to obedience, and Thomas Smith, Claiborne's representative, taken 
prisoner by an armed force under Governor Leonard Calvert in February, 1637/8. 
See p. 152, supra. 



202 , NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

how tenderly they did any thing there, and how much they 
desired and endeavoured to have declined any alteration, if 
either Captain Stone the Governour or the Councel, would have 
issued out Writs in the name of the Keepers of the Liberty of 
England, and have promised to govern according to the Laws 
of England; both which they refused under their hands: 1 
and the Commissioners being sent to Maryland, is since owned 
by the Report of the Committee of the Councel of State, and 
the Lord Baltamore taxed and blamed for not issuing out Writs 
as they required them; and therefore seems a bold aspersion 
for the Lord Baltamore to publish, that Maryland being struck 
out of their commission, was afterwards by some mistake put 
into the Commission the second time : and as strange it seems, 2 
that now since the reduction of Maryland the Lord Baltamore 
in opposition and contempt of the Supream Authority of 
England, should cause his Governor and Councel most falsly 
and rebelliously to revolt and recede from the same, and give 
instructions under his own hand, as he had lately done, to 
issue out all Writs and Proceedings in his own name onely: 
which they have accordingly done, and not the least mention 
of the Lord Protector's name in all their Government. 3 This 
the said Commissioners, though they received confirmation 
of their Commission from the Parliament under the Seal (the 
Original the first time miscarrying), yet bore with a long 
time onely by Letters out of Virginia, admonished Captain 
Stone and that Councel of their error, and protested against 
their actings: but they continued obstinate. The Commis- 
sioners were desirous still to expect and attend a settlement 
and determination out of England, and to intermeddle as 
little as they could. But about a yeer since Lord Baltamore 
sends over Instructions and Commands to Captain Stone and 
his new made Councel, all or most Papists, or indifferent, 
to seize the Lands and Estates of all such as would not take the 
Oath of fidelity (as he stiles it) before specified. But the 
people of Maryland generally abhorred this Oath and justly as 

1 Archives of Maryland, III. 275, 300. 

3 See Lord Baltemore's Case, p. 169, supra. 

3 Parliament having been dissolved by Cromwell, it was claimed on behalf 
of Lord Baltimore that the authority of the commissioners appointed by that 
body had expired. 



1655] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 203 

is conceived, especially those of Patuxent and Severn declined 
to take it, as being against their Engagement, incompatible 
with their subjection to the Commonwealth of England, and 
incongruous to serve two absolute Superiours, whereupon 
Captain Stone and his Counsel proclaim them seditious, and 
rebels to Lord Baltamore, and forget not to include the two 
Commissioners, though in Virginia under the same name, 
with other opprobious terms: whereupon the people of Pa- 
tuxent, Severn, and Kent often and earnestly apply them- 
selves if possible to have relief from those Commissioners, yet 
they still desirously forbore to intermeddle, hoping it would 
be done out of England, until after many solicitations Mr. 
Bennet and Captain Claiborn with onely two men in July 
last went thither in a Boat, yet using all fair means : but how 
ill they were treated for their moderation, and intended to be 
surprised by night, and made Prisoners, and how they were 
necessitated to prevent greater mischief and the present ruine 
of hundreds of Families to interpose to have that Oath sus- 
pended, and the Government managed in the Lord Protector's 
name; (which being denied to avoid bloodshed, they re- 
assumed the Government out of those hands that so ill-man- 
aged it, and placed it in others for the time being under his 
Highness the Lord Protector, until he should please to sig- 
nifie his further pleasure) will appear in a Declaration then 
and herewith published, together with the peoples Petition, 
the Commissioners answer thereunto, and an Order for setling 
the Government in the hands of Captain William Fuller, and 
others. 

The Lord Baltamore also since gives particular Commis- 
sion and Command to seize the persons of those Commission- 
ers, under his Hand and Seal, dated in November last; and 
for their service to the Lord Protector to proceed against them 
as abettors in mutiny and sedition; chides, and upraids 
Captain Stone for cowardise, provokes him to fighting and 
bloodshed (a course too often acted in Maryland), appoints 
another Governor in case he decline it, and yet sends no 
revocation of the Commissioners reducement, though he ac- 
knowledges he sought it earnestly of the Lord Protector but 
could not obtain it; yet to blinde and delude Captain Stone 
and his Counsel, there came over a Letter of Recommenda- 



204 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

tion from his Highness of one Captain Barbar, and by what 
practise or mistake is not known, a subscription thereon to 
Captain Stone Governour of Maryland. And by this (together 
with a Copy of that Petition of the Merchants and others 
trading to Virginia, brought in by Mr. Eltonhead, and sent 
over by Lord Baltamore), Captain Stone and all Maryland 
fall to arms, and disarm and plunder those that would not 
accept the aforesaid Oath. A part of them at last stood upon 
their guard, onely sought to Captain Stone to shew his Com- 
mission, and they would submit; he caused to imprison their 
Messengers, and being of far greater number, assaulted them 
at their houses, threatens to have their blood, calls them 
Round-head Rogues and Dogs, brought whole bagfuls of 
chewed Bullets, rolled in powder, saying, The Devil take him 
that spares any; and so falls on upon the day dedicated to 
the Virgin Mary, with the word Hey for St. Mary: but the 
« Protestants commanded their men not to shoot upon pain of 
death, until some being slain by a volly of shot from the 
Marylands, they defended themselves, and God confounded 
Capt. Stone and all his Company before them: there were 
near double the number in Prisoners to the Victors, twenty 
slain, many wounded, and all the place strewed with Papist 
beads where they fled; but the Proceedings thereof, and how 
the arm of the Lord was revealed, and his mighty power 
manifested even to admiration, together with the success, and 
the evils drawn upon themselves, appears by the relation 
thereof, at this time also published by a Messenger from 
thence. 1 

The Lord Baltamore pretends in print, his entertainment 
into Maryland of the Parliaments Friends thrust out of Vir- 
ginia; but those very men whom he so stiles coming thither 
being promised by Captain Stone, that he would declare urg- 
ing the Oath upon them, complain of it to the Parliament, 
are in answer thereunto vilified by Lord Baltamore, and pub- 
lickly taxed for obscure factious fellows, and in his later Letters 
termed the basest of men, and unworthy of the least favour 

1 The accounts of the battle at the Severn, March 25, 1655, as narrated by 
those engaged on opposite sides, are conflicting. The two documents next fol- 
lowing in this volume, Babylon's Fall, by Leonard Strong, and The Refutation, etc., 
by John Langford, give substantially the two versions. 



1655] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 205 

or forbearance; such advantages doth he make on all sides, 
at such a distance, and in such incomposed times, that he con- 
fidently takes the liberty to aver such extream and contrary 
things which amaze other men that see them. The place as 
himself confesses, had been deserted, if not peopled from Vir- 
ginia. He might with more reason scruple to supplant the 
Rights of the most considerable conjuncture of worthy men 
that ever undertook such an Adventure, as Plantation out of 
England; which hath been the beginner and parent of all the 
rest. 

The late King James revoked the Virginia-Companies 
Patent for denying him to alter the Government, for which he 
had fundamentally provided to give Instructions from time 
to time, and was the same, which the last King did by his 
Commission to Sir William Davenant, of which the Lord Bal- 
tamore speaks so much, 1 and makes such inferences as serve 
his own ends. But the Truth is, all that can rightly and 
properly be collected from thence is onely this, (his right to 
the Soil being in express words reserved), if the King might 
dispose of the Government of Maryland, why not the Parlia- 
ment, as they have done; and why not the Lord Protector 
as he also hath done? Another of those Fundamentals was, 
That no Papists should be tolerated to remain in Virginia, but 
sent away if they would not take the Oath of Allegiance, and 
was so practised : this the old Lord Baltamore refusing, stayed 
not in Virginia; and, Hinc ilia lachryma, to all those that were 
of the Councel, who with their wives and children have not 
suffered a little for it; of which onely Colonel Matthews and 
Colonel Claiborn remain alive. His son this Lord Baltamore 
now publishes himself a Recusant, and avers contrarily that 
the Laws against Papists and Recusants extend not thither; 
yet his Patent says, No interpretation shall be admitted 
thereof, by which God's holy and truely Christian Religion, 
or the allegiance due to the Successors of the State of Eng- 
land, 2 should suffer any prejudice or diminution. 

1 The commission to Sir William Davenant was issued in February, 1649/50, 
by Charles II., then in exile, and not by the "last King" as stated in the text. 
See p. 180, supra. 

3 This expression, "the State of England," does not occur in the charter of 
Maryland. 



206 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1651 

By all which surely it's most evident, This County Pala- 
tine aimed and coveted by him, appears disagreeable to Law 
and to his own Patent: and as a Monster unlike the rest of 
the Dominions of the Commonwealth of England, and con- 
trary to the late Platform of Government under his Highness 
the Lord Protector; yet hath he omitted no means to inforce 
his Dominion on those men that are most unwilling to sub- 
mit to him as an absolute Prince and hereditary Monarch. 
Neither doth that instance of the Roman Commonwealth in 
his printed Pamphlet hold for him, who though they permitted 
and continued many Kingships over people that formerly had 
them, as is now done in Virginia among the Indians; yet he 
cannot shew, that ever they constituted King over the people of 
Rome to govern absolutely over them, as this case pleads for, 
to have a negative voice, yea, and a power ad placitum, in all 
things that is before specified, to the great regret of the In- 
habitants, the oppression of many, and the obstruction of 
justice, of which Maryland hath afforded no mean examples 
and Complaints. 

But although Virginia seeks the re-establishment of her 
bounds so often assured under the great Seal of England, and 
otherwise, yet to renew any such Authority as this of Mary- 
land, or that of the Company over her, she desires it not; but 
to be from time to time under such Government as the State 
of England shall appoint. 

Duplicate Instructions 1 for Captain Robert Dennis, Mr. Rich. 
Bennet, Mr. Tho. [Stagge], and Capt. William Claiborn 
appointed Commissioners for the reducement of Virginia, 
and the Inhabitants thereof to their due obedience to the 
Commonwealth of England. 

Whereas the Parliament of England by an Act intituled, 
An Act prohibiting trade with Barbadoes, Virginia, Bermu- 
das and Antego, hath committed to this Councel several 
powers therein expressed, for the setling, reducing, and gov- 
erning the said Islands, printed copies of which Acts are here- 
with delivered you, In pursuance whereof, a Fleet is now set 

1 From the Council of State, the chief executive authority of England at this 
time. 



1651] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 207 

forth victualled, armed, and manned under the command 
and conduct of Captain Robert Dennis, to effect by the bless- 
ing of God the ends aforesaid; and for the management of 
that service you are hereby joyntly nominated and appointed 
Commissioners: and for your better directions and proceed- 
ings therein, you are to follow these Instructions following: 

Such of you as are here to repair on board the ships, John 
or the Guinny 1 Friggot of the States, which of them you shall 
think fit, and winde and weather permitting to sail to Vir- 
ginia, as Captain Robert Dennis shall direct and appoint. 
And upon your arrival in Virginia, you, or any two or more 
of you, (whereof Captain Robert Dennis to be one) shall use 
your best endeavours to reduce all the Plantations within the 
Bay of Chesepiak to their due obedience to the Parliament and 
the Commonwealth of England. 

For which purpose, you, or any two or more of you, (where- 
of Captain Robert Dennis to be one) have hereby power to 
assure pardon and indemnity to all the Inhabitants of the said 
Plantations that shall submit unto the present Government, 
and Authority as it is established in this Commonwealth; in 
which pardons you may make such limitations and exceptions, 
as you or any two or more of you, whereof capt. Robert Dennis 
to be one, shall think fit. 

And in case they shal not submit by fair wayes and meanes, 
you are to use all acts of hostility that lies in your power to 
enforce them, and if you shal find people so to stand out as 
that you can by no other wayes or means reduce them to their 
due obedience, you or any two or more of you whereof capt. 
Rob. Dennis to be one have power to appoint captains, and 
other Officers, and to raise forces within every of the planta- 
tions aforesaid, for the furtherance and good of the service, 
and such persons as shall come in unto you and serve as 
soldiers, if their masters shal stand in opposition to the pres- 
ent Government of this Common-wealth, you or any two or 
more of you whereof capt. Rob. Dennis to be one, have here- 
by power to discharge and set free from their masters all such 
persons so serving as souldiers. 

You shall cause and see all the several Acts of parlament 
against Kingship, and the house of Lords to be received and 

1 Guinea. 



208 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1651 

published; as also the Acts for abolishing the Book of common 
prayer, and for subscribing the ingagement, and all of their 
Acts therewith delivered to you. 

You or any two or more of you have ful power to admin- 
ister an Oath to all the Inhabitants and planters there, to be 
true and faithful to the common-wealth of England as it is 
now established without a King or house of Lords: You or 
any two or more of you, whereof cap. Robert Dennis to be 
one, have power to give liberty to the inhabitants, and plant- 
ers who shall have taken the engagement formerly mentioned 
to choose such Burgesses as they shall think fit, and send to 
the place you shal appoint for the better Regulating and 
governing affairs there; provided that nothing be acted con- 
trary to the Government of the commonwealth of England, 
and the Laws established. 

You shall cause all Writs, Warrants, and other processe 
whatsoever to be issued forth as occasion shall require, in the 
name of the Keepers of the Liberty of England, by authority 
of Parliament. 

In case of Mortality, or absence of Cap. Rob. Dennis, you 
or any two, or more of you have power to put in execution 
these instructions. In case of Mortality or absence of Cap. 
Rob: Dennis, Edmund Curtis commander of the Guinny 
Frigot is hereby impowered to act as Commissioner with you, 
or any two or more of you, and he is also in the absence of 
Capt. Robert Dennis to take the charge of the Fleet so far as 
concerns the shipping, according to the power given to Cap. 
Rob: Dennis. And lastly as we doubt now but you will use 
your best dilligence, and care in carrying on of this affair of 
consequence with which you are intrusted, and that by your 
good endeavours it will have a good issue, so the Counsel wil 
take the same into consideration that respect may be had of 
your pains, and travel therein, and of a recompence agreeable 
to your service, when the same shall be compleated, and work 
upon which you are imployed shall be finished. 

Signed in the name and by order of the Councel 
of State appointed by authority of Parlam. 
Whitehal 26 John Bradshaw President. 

Sept: 1651. 

Jo: Thurloe Cler: of the Counsel. 



1652] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 209 



Committee Navy 31 December: 1652. 

In pursuance of an order of Parlament of the 31 Aug. 
1652, whereby the 4. and part of the 7. and 8. Articles agreed 
on at James City for the surrendring and setling of plantation 
of Virginia, with certain parchments concerning Mariland, and 
the petition of the Inhabitants of Virginia, are referred unto 
this Committee to consider what patent is fit to be granted to 
the said Inhabitants of Virginia, and to hear all parties, and to 
consider of their particular claims, and to report the same 
unto the Parlament, 1 This Committee upon examination of the 
matter of fact, and upon hearing both parties, and their Coun- 
sel, do find, and humbly certifier 

That by a Patent dated the 23 day of May, in the 7th year 
of King James, 2 there was granted to divers Adventurers and 
Planters by the name of the Virginia Company, all those 
Lands, Countries, and Territories scituate in that part of 
America called Virginia, from Cape or point comfort all along 
the sea coast to the Northward two hundred mile; and from 
the said Cape or point comfort all along the sea-coast to the 
Southward 200 miles; all that space of Land lying from the 
sea-coast of the precinct aforesaid up into the Lands through- 
out from sea to sea, West and Northwest, and all the Isl- 
ands lying within 100 miles along the coast of both seas of the 
precincts aforesaid, with the soyls etc. thereunto belonging to 
hold to them and their heirs forever under the several reser- 
vations therein mentioned; 

That the said patent was afterwards by a Quo warranto 
in the 21 of the said King repealed, and made void; 

That in the 8th year of the late King, upon the humble 
petition of the Ld. Baltemore, that he might have and enjoy a 
collony or parcel of ground in America then uncultivated, and 
not inhabited by any save the Indians there was by patent dated 
20 June 8 Car. granted to the said Lord Baltemore all that 
parcel of Land lying in the part of America, from the sea on the 

*The original has here a note: "See note, page 46." The reference is appar- 
ently to the parliamentary record mentioned, as there is no note on page 46 of the 
original edition of the pamphlet. 

2 The second Virginia patent, 1609. 



210 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1652 

East to the Bay of Chessaphia 1 on the West, extending from 
Watkins point to Delawar Bay, and from Delawar Bay to 
Potowmeek River, and so along to Watkins point, together 
with the Islands thereunto belonging, and by the said patent 
called the Province of Mariland, To hold the same in as ample 
manner as any Bishop of Durham, within the Bishoprick or 
County palatine of Durham in England, heretofore ever held 
or injoyed, and to hold the same in free and common soccadg, 
as of the Castle of Windsor, Reserving to the King, his Heirs, 
and successors faith, allegiance, and dominion, and two 
indian arrows yearly with the fifth part of all gold and silver 
Oar found in and upon the said province, and also liberty for 
any the people of England or Ireland to fish as well in those 
seas, as in any ports or Creeks of the said province, and to salt 
and cure their fish there, That in and by the said patent, power 
is granted to the Lord Baltemore and his heirs to make Laws 
by and with the Counsell assent, and approbation of the 
Freemen of the said Province, or the Major part of them, 
that shal concern life or Member as often as his Lordship shal 
think fit, etc. so as such Laws be consonant to reason, and 
not repugnant, nor contrary, but as neer as possible may be 
agreeable to the Laws of this Nation; 

That by the said Patent the said Province is separated 
from Virginia, but by express provisoe declared to be subject, 
and depending upon the Crown of England, And in case any 
doubts arise about any claim in the said patent, the same 
were to be decided by the Courts of England. 

It also appears by examinations taken by this Committee 
that Kentish Island was before the date of the said Patent 
part of Virginia, and planted and inhabited by Cap. Claiborn 
three years before the arrival of the Lord Baltemores Agents 
in Maryland, and that Burgesses sat in the Assembly at 
James Town in Virginia for the said Island, And that the Vir- 
ginians had the sole possession of the Bay of Chesopiack, and a 
free Trade with the Indians; 

That in the yeer 1633, upon the arrival of the Lord Balte- 
mores Agents in Maryland, the Virginians were prohibited 
from trading with the Indians, in any part of Maryland, 
which formerly they had accustomed, whereupon severall 

1 Chesapeake. 



1652] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 211 

differences arose between capt. Claiborns men and the L. B. 1 
planters, and capt. Clayborn continuing his trade, a Vessell 
called the Longtail was seised upon by the Marilanders, and 
one Lieutenant Warren (with some others whom he sent to 
rescue the said Vessel) were killed by the Marilander in that 
attempt in Potomoke 2 River; That the goods of Mr. Harman 
and others were all seised by the Lord Baltemores Agents, and 
at length after three yeares suffering, Captaine Claiborn was 
forsibly disseisd and dispossest of his plantation in Kentish 
Island; and forced for safety of his life to fly into England, 
and ever since that L: B. hath had possession of the said 
Island, not suffering any of the Virginians to trade in the said 
Bay without ceisure and confiscation of their Goods. 

It likewise appears unto this Committee upon perusal of 
the several parchments mentioned in the Order of Parla- 
ment, that the L: B. hath constituted forms of Oaths, and 
injoyned the taking thereof by all persons as wel Officers as 
others within the said province, and that not to the King, but 
to himself, and that he hath issued out Writs in his own name, 
all his Commissions and processe running in this stile (viz.) 
we, us, and given under our hand, and greater seal of arms in 
such a yeer of our Dominions over the said Province. That 
he hath likewise appointed an upper and lower house of 
Assembly and also a privie counsel of State, which is not men- 
tioned in the said patent. And we further find that several 
of the Laws made by the said Lord Baltemore are not agree- 
able to the Laws, Statutes, and customs of England, as for 
instance : 

That the Lands sold by the said Lord Baltemore are di- 
rected to be purchased and held of him, and his Heirs only in 
soccadg, as of the Mannor, etc. ; 

That the Oaths hereafter mentioned must be taken by all 
that shal bear Office, or shall inhabite, or come into the said 
province, upon pain of being banished, and if they return, and 
refuse, to be subject to such Fine as his Lordship shall think fit. 

1 Lord Baltimore's. 2 Pocomoke. 



212 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1648 



The Oath of the Lieutenant or chief Governor of the Province of 

Maryland. 1 

I A. B. doe Sweare I will be true and faithfull to the Right 
Honourable Cecilius, Lord Baron of Baltemore, the true and abso- 
lute Lord and Proprietary of this Province of Maryland, and his 
Heires, and him and them, and his and their Rights, Royal Juris- 
dictions and Seignory, all and every of them into or over the said 
Province and Islands thereunto belonging, Will at all times Defend 
and Maintaine to the utmost of my power; and will never accept 
of, nor execute any Place, Office, or Employment within the said 
Province, any way concerning or relating to the Government of the 
said Province, from any Person or Authority, but by, from, or under 
the hand and Seale at Arms of his said Lordship, or his Heires or 
Assignes, Lords and Proprietaries of the said Province. I will 
faithfully serve his said Lordship as Lieutenant of the said Prov- 
ince, and in all other Offices committed to my Charge by his said 
Lordships Commission or Commissions to me, and will willingly 
yield up the said Commission and Commissions againe, and all 
Offices, Powers, and Authorities granted or to be granted by them or 
any of them, into the hands of his said Lordship, and his Heires and 
Assignes, or to such person or persons as he or they shall appoint, 
whensoever he or they shall appoint me so to doe, and shall signifie 
the same to me in writing under his or their hand and Seale at Armes. 
And will not presume to put in execution, or attempt to execute any 
Office, Power, or Authority granted unto me by any of the said Com- 
missions, after that his Lordship, his Heires or Assignes, Lords and 
Proprietaries of the said Province shall repeale them or any of them 
respectively by any writing under his or their respective hand and 
Seale at Armes, and that the said Repeale be published in this Prov- 
ince. I will doe equall Right and Justice to the poore and to the 
rich, within the said Province, to my best skill, judgement, and power, 
according to the Lawes and Ordinances of the said province, and in 
default thereof according to my conscience, and best discretion, and 
the power granted and to be granted to me by his said Lordships 
Commission or Commissions; I will not for fear, favour, or affection, 

1 This was the form of oath prescribed for Governor Stone. It differs from 
the previous forms chiefly in the obligation to disturb no one on account of his 
religion, "and in particular no Roman Catholic." Thus Lord Baltimore sought 
to insure the continuance under the Protestant governor of the policy of relig- 
ious liberty already established. The expressions, "Rights, Royal Jurisdictions, 
Seignory," etc., are in conformity with the terms of the charter. 



1648] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 213 

or any other cause, let, hinder, or delay Justice to any, but shall 
truely execute the said Office and Offices respectively according to 
his said Lordships Commissions to me in that behalf, and to the 
true intent and meaning thereof, and not otherwise, to the best of 
my understanding and Judgment. I wil not know of any attempt 
against his said Lordships person, or his Rights or Dominion into, 
or over the said province, and the people therin, but I will prevent, 
resist, and oppose it with the utmost of my power, and make the 
same known with all convenient speed to his said lordship, and I 
will in all things from time to time as occasion shal serve faithfully 
counsel and advise his said Lordship according to my heart and 
conscience; And I do further swear I will not by my selfe, nor any 
other person directly, trouble, molest or discountenance any person 
whatsoever in the said province professing to beleeve in Jesus Christ, 
and in particular no Roman Catholick, for or in respect of his or 
her Religion, nor his or her free exercise thereof within the said prov- 
ince, so as they be not unfaithful to his said Lordship or molest or 
conspire against the civil Government established under him, nor 
will I make any difference of persons in conferring Offices, Rewards, 
or Favours proceeding from the Authority which his Lordship hath 
conferred on me as his Lietenant here, for or in respect to their said 
Religion respectively, but meerly as I shall find them faithful and 
wel-deserving of his said Lordship, and to the best of my under- 
standing endowed with morall vertues and abilities fitting for such 
Offices, Rewards or Favours, wherein my prime aim and end shall 
be from time to time sincerely the advancement of his said Lord- 
ships service here, and the publick unity and good of the Province 
without partiallity to any, or any other sinister end, whatsoever. 
And if any other Officer or persons whatsoever shal during the time 
of my being his said Lordships Lieutenant here, without my con- 
sent or privity, molest or disturb any person within this province 
professing to beleeve in Jesus Christ meerely for or in respect of his 
or her Religion, or the free exercise thereof, upon notice or com- 
plaint thereof made unto him, I will apply my power and Authority 
to relieve any person so molested or troubled, whereby he may have 
Right done him for any damage which he shal suffer in that kind, 
and to the utmost of my power wil cause all and every such person 
or persons as shal molest or trouble any other person or persons in 
that manner to be punishment. I wil faithfully serve his lordship 
as his Chansellor and Keeper of his great Seal of this Province com- 
mitted to my charge and custody by his said Lordships Commission 
to me, to the best of my skil, and understanding. I will cause the 
impression in Wax of the said Seal to be affixed to all such things as 
I have, or shal from time to time receive commission or Warrant 



214 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1648 

for so doing from his said Lordship under his hand and Seal at arms; 
and that it shall not be affixed to any other Writing, or thing what- 
soever, directly or indirectly with my privy consent, or knowledg. 
I wil do my best endeavour carefully to preserve the said Great Seal 
in my custody so long as it shall please his said Lordship to continue 
me in the charge and keeping thereof, to the end that it may not be 
lost, stollen, or unlawfully taken from me; And whereby any other 
Person may affix the impression thereof unto any Writing, or thing 
whatsoever without Authority for so doing lawfully derived, or to be 
derived from, by, or under a commission of Warrant under his said 
Lordships Hand and Seale at Arms, and that I will truly and faith- 
fully deliver up againe the said great Seale into the hands of such 
Person or Persons as his said Lordship, or his Heirs shall appoint, 
when his, or their pleasure for. that purpose shall be signified to me 
under his, or their hands and Seals at arms; so help me God, and 
by the contents of this Book. 



The oath of -fidelity to the Lord Proprietor 

I A: B. Do faithfully and truly acknowledge the Right Honour- 
able Cecilius Lord Baron of Baltemore to be the true and absolute 
Lord and Proprietary of this Province and Country of Maryland, 
and the Islands thereunto belonging; And I do swear that I will 
bear true faith unto his Lordship and his Heires as to the true and 
absolute Lords and proprietaries of the said Province and the Islands 
thereunto belonging, and will not at any time by words or actions 
in publick or private, wittingly or willingly to the best of my under- 
standing any way derogate from; but will at all times as occasion 
shall require to the uttermost of my power defend and maintaine 
all such his said Lordships and his Heires Right, Title, Interest, 
Priveledges, Royal Jurisdiction, Prerogative, 1 propriety and Do- 
minion over and in the said province of Maryland, and the Islands 
thereunto belonging, and over the people who are or shall be there- 
in for the time being as are granted or mentioned to be granted to 
his said Lordship, and to his Heirs by the King of England in his 
said Lordships patent of the said province under the Great Seale of 
England. I do also swear that I will with all expedition discover 
to his said Lordship, or his Lieutenant or other chief Governor of 
the said province for the time being, and also use my best endeav- 
ours to prevent, any plot, conspiracy, or combination which I shall 
know or have cause to suspect is intended or shall be intended against 
the person of his said Lordship, or which shal tend any wayes to 

1 See p. 212, note 1. 



1648] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 215 

the disinherison or deprivation of his said Lordships or his heirs 
the Right, Title, Royal Jurisdiction or Dominion aforesaid, or any 
part thereof, and I do swear that I will not either by myself or by 
any other person, or persons directly, or indirectly, take, accept, 
receive, purchase or posses any Lands, Tenements or Heredita[me]nts 
within the said Province of Maryland, or the Islands thereunto be- 
longing from any Indian or Indians to any other use or uses, but 
to the use of his said Lordship and his heirs or knowingly from any 
other person or persons not deriving a legall Title thereunto from 
or under some Grant from his said Lordship, or his said Heirs le- 
gally passed or to be passed under his or their Great Seal of the 
said province for the time being, so help me God and by the Con- 
tents of this Book. 



The Oath of a Counsellor of State in Maryland. 

I A: B. Do swear that I will be true and faithfull to the Right 
Honorable Cecilius Lord Baron of Baltemore, the true, and abso- 
lute Lord and Proprietory of this Province of Maryland, and his 
Heirs, and him and them and his and their Right, Royal Jurisdic- 
tions and signiory, 1 and every of them into and over the said Prov- 
ince and Islands hereunto belonging wil at all times defend and 
maintaine to the utmost of my power, and will never accept of, nor 
execute any Place, Office, or Imployment within the said Province, 
any way concerning or relating to the Government from time to time, 
but from his said Lordship, or his Heirs, Lords, and proprietaries 
of the said Province, under his or their Hands and Seal at Arms. 
The peace and welfare of the people of this Province I will ever 
procure, as far as I can: I will aid and assist the administring and 
execution of Justiqe in all things to my power: to none will I delay or 
deny Right, for fear, favor, or affection; I will to my best skill, and 
according to my heart and conscience, give good and faithful Coun- 
sel to the said Lord and Proprietary, and his Heirs, and to his, and 
their Lieutenant and chief Governor of this Province for the time 
being, when thereunto I shall be called; I will keep secret all mat- 
ters committed or revealed unto me, or which shall be moved or 
debated secretly in Councel, and faithfully declare my mind and 
opinion therein, according to my heart and conscience: And if any 
of the said Treaties and Councel shall touch any the Privy Coun- 
sellors of this Province, I will not reveal the same to him so touched 
or concerned, but will keep the same secret until such time as by 
the consent of the Lord Proprietary, or chief Governor here for the 

*See p. 212, note 1, supra. 



216 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

time being, publication shall be made thereof; I will as a Counsel- 
lor, as a Justice, and Commissioner, for conservation of the peace 
of this Province, do equal right unto the poor, and to the rich, to the 
best of my understanding and judgment, according to the Laws 
from time to time in force within this Province; and in default there- 
of, according to my best discretion, and generally in all things will 
do as a faithful Counsellor to the Lord Proprietary; And I do further 
Swear, I will not by myself, or any other person, directly or indirectly 
trouble, molest, or discountenance any person or persons in the said 
Province, professing to believe in Jesus Christ, and in particular, no 
Roman Catholick, for, or in respect of his or their Religion, nor in 
his or her free exercise thereof within the said Province, so as they be 
not unfaithful to his said Lordship, nor molest or conspire against the 
Civil Government established under him. So help me God, and 
the Contents of this Book. 

That 1 whosoever shall call any one an Idolater, Papish 
Priest, Jesuite, Jesuited Papist, etc. to forfeit ten pounds; and 
that no Papist shall be troubled for exercise of his Religion, 
so as they be faithful to his Lordship. 2 

Whosoever shall be accessory to the running away of an 
Apprentice, shall suffer death; but the party himself, if appre- 
hended, to serve his time double. 

Whosoever shall counterfeit his Lordships Seal or Sign 
Manual, shall suffer the loss of his hand, imprisonment during 
life, or pains of death, or confiscation of Lands or Estate, or 
any one or more of them as the Governor, and Chancellor, 
and Councel, shall think fit. 

1 The text here returns to the enumeration of provincial statutes alleged to 
be repugnant to the laws of England. 

2 This prohibition against using epithets indicative of religious affiliations 
applied to all alike, but only if the terms were used in a reproachful manner. It 
was equally punishable so to call a person a Puritan, Presbyterian, Calvinist, or 
Lutheran. The penalty, however, was ten shillings, not ten pounds, as stated 
in the text. See the Act concerning Religion, p. 269, infra. Archives of Mary- 
land, I. 244. At an Assembly held in Maryland in October, 1654, one year before 
the date of this pamphlet, during the sway of the commissioners appointed by 
Parliament, this act was repealed and a new one enacted, providing that liberty 
should not be extended to such as professed "popery or prelacy." Ibid., I. 341, 
351. In the writs issued for the election of this Assembly it was directed that 
no Roman Catholic should be eligible to membership or allowed to vote. See 
p. 228, infra. Upon the restoration of the authority of Lord Baltimore in 1658, 
this repeal was treated as a nullity and the old act providing for religious liberty 
revived. Archives of Maryland, II. 548. 



1655] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 217 

His Lordship suffers Dutch, French, or Italian Descents 
to plant, and enjoy equal priviledges with the British and 
Irish Nations. 1 

And lastly, In one of his Laws he mentions the High and 
Mighty Prince Charles, the First of that name ; and in another 
expresseth, That none shal transport any Tobacco's in any 
Dutch Vessel bound for any other Port than his Majesties. 

Unto all which Exceptions, Answer having been made by 
the Lord Baltemore, which is hereunto annexed; the same is 
humbly submitted to the Judgment and further direction 
of this Honorable House. 

It hath been confessed by the Lord Baltamore, That one 
Captain Green his Lieutenant-Governor of Maryland, did soon 
after the death of the late King, proclaim his Son Charles 
Stewart King of England, etc. for which his Lordship saith 
he did by a Writing under his hand and seal (which is one of 
the parchments remaining with this Committee) revoke the 
Commission granted to the said Captain Green, and appointed 
one Stone in his room: but there is no such cause mentioned 
in the said Writing. 2 

It likewise appears, That in March 1651 the Governor and 
Councel of Maryland, being required by the Commissioners 
that were sent thither, to issue forth Writs in the Name of 
The Keepers of the Libertie of England; they refused the 
same, saying, They could not do it without breach of their 
Trust and Oath. 

1 Acts of naturalization or denization as they were then called, were passed in 
favor of a number of persons natives of the continent of Europe, the first being in 
favor of Augustin Herrman, a distinguished Bohemian who became a valuable 
member of the province, and lord of Bohemia Manor in Cecil County, a name 
still preserved. 

a See p. 197, note 1, supra. 



218 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654 



To the Honourable, Richard Bennet, and Col. William Clai- 
bourn, Esquires, Commissioners of the Commonwealth of 
England, for Virginia and Maryland. 

The Humble Petition of the Commissioners and Inhabitants 

of Severne, alias Ann Arundel County. 
Sheweth, 

That whereas we were invited and encouraged by Captain 
Stone, the Lord Baltamore's Governor of Maryland, to re- 
move ourselves and Estates into this Province, with promise 
of enjoying the liberty of our Consciences in matter of Re- 
ligion, and all other priviledges of English Subjects; And 
your Petitioners did upon this ground, with great cost, labor, 
and danger, remove ourselves; and have been at great charges 
in building and clearing: Now the Lord Baltamore imposeth 
an Oath upon us, by Proclamation, which he requireth his 
Lieutenant forthwith to publish; which if we do not take within 
three months after publication, all our Lands are to be seized 
for his Lordships use. This Oath we conceive not agreeable 
to the terms on which we came hither, nor to the liberty of 
our Consciences as Christians and free Subjects of the Com- 
mon-wealth of England: Neither can we be perswaded in our 
Consciences by any light of God, or engagement upon us, to 
take such an Oath; but rather humbly conceive it to be a very 
real grievance, and such an oppression as we are not able to 
bear; neither do we see by what lawful power such an Oath, 
with such extream penalties can by his Lordship be exacted 
of us who are free Subjects of the Common- wealth of England, 
and have taken the Engagement to them. We have Com- 
plained of this grievance to the late honorable Councel of 
State in a Petition subscribed by us, which never received any 
answer, such as might clear the lawfulness of such his proceed- 
ings with us: but an aspersion cast upon us of being Factious 
fellows; neither have we received any Conviction of our error 
in not taking the said Oath, nor Order by that power, before 
whom our Petition is still depending, to take it hereafter; 
neither can we believe that the Common-wealth of England 
will ever expose us to such a manifest, and real bondage (who 
assert themselves, The maintainers of the lawful Liberties of 



1654] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 219 

the Subject) as to make us Swear absolute subjection to a 
Government, where the Ministers of State are bound by Oath 
to countenance and defend the Roman Popish Religion, which 
we apprehend to be contrary to the Fundamental Laws of 
England, the Covenant taken in the three Kingdoms, and the 
Consciences of true English Subjects: and doth carry on an 
arbitrary power, so as whatever is done by the people at great 
costs in Assemblies, for the good of the people, is liable to be 
made Null by the negative Voice of his Lordship ; But affirma- 
tive Propositions and Commands are incessantly urged, and 
prest, and must not be denied. 

In consideration whereof, we humbly tender our Condi- 
tion and Distraction, upon this occasion falling upon the hearts 
of all the people, to your view and Consideration, intreating 
your honors to relieve us according to the Cause and the power 
wherewith you are intrusted by the Common-wealth of Eng- 
land: the rather, because upon such an exigent as this, we 
have none to flie to but your selves the honorable Commis- 
sioners of the Common- wealth of England; not doubting but 
God will direct you into what his mind and will is in this matter 
concerning us, and that you will faithfully apply your selves to 
our Redress in what is Just, and our lawful Liberty; which is 
the Prayer of your poor Petitioners. 
Severn River, the 30. of January, 1653. 1 

Subscribed by Edw. Lloyd, and 77 persons of the 
House-keepers, and Freemen, Inhabitants. 

To the Honorable Richard Bennet, and Colonel William Clai- 
bourn, Esquires, Commissioners for the Common-wealth of 
England, within the Bay of Chesopiak. 

The humble Petition of the Inhabitants of the North-side of 

Patuxent River in the Province of Maryland. 
Sheweth, 

That we being reduced by your Honors from that Tyran- 
nical power exercised over the people of this Province by the 
Lord Baltamore and his Agents, unto the Obedience of the 
Common-wealth of England, to which Government we have 
Subjected and Engaged, and have by your Honors been often 

1 /. e., 1654, new style. 



220 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654 

enjoyned reall conformity and obedience to the same, and 
not to own any other power or Authority as we will answer 
the contrary: In subjection whereunto, we have had peace 
and freedom hitherto, which with all thankfulness we cannot 
but acknowledg, and in our continued obedience, do expect 
from the Parliament next under God continued peace, liberty, 
and protection from the pride, rage, and insolency of their, 
and our adversaries: Now so it is, may it please your honors, 
that of late the Lord Baltamore doth by his Order and Agents 
seek to set over us the old form of Government formerly exer- 
cised by him in this Province, which we did conceive, by the 
blessing of God upon your honors endeavors, had been fully 
made Null and void; yet notwithstanding, by the Arbitrari- 
ness of his own will, he appoints Laws for us, and sets up 
Popish Officers over us, outing those Officers of Justice ap- 
pointed by you ; issuing forth Writs in his own name, contrary 
to your honors Order and appointment: And doth by Procla- 
mation under his own Hand, and in his own Name, impose an 
Oath, which if refused by us, after three months, all our 
Lands and Plantations are to be seized upon to his Lordships 
use : And if taken by us, we shall be ingaged at his will to fight 
his battels, defend and maintain him in his Patent, as it was 
granted to him by the late King, etc. Which Oath, we humbly 
conceive, is contrary to the Liberty and freedom of our Con- 
sciences, as Christians, and contrary to the fundamental Laws 
of England; contrary to the Engagement we have taken in 
Subjection to the Common- wealth of England, and unsutable 
to Freemen, to own any other power than that to which we 
belong, and to whom we are, and have Engaged; and con- 
trary to the Word of God, to fight for, and defend, and main- 
tain Popery, and a Popish Anti christian Government; which 
we dare not do, unless we should be found Traytors to our 
Country, fighters against God, and Covenant-breakers. 

The Premises Considered, we humbly spread our Condi- 
tion before your view and Consideration, hoping that as you 
are Commissioners for the Common-wealth of England, and 
that power which God hath put into your hands, that you will 
up, and be doing, in the name and power of our God, that we 
be not left for our faithfulness as a prey to ungodly and un- 
reasonable men, before we can make our Complaint and Griev- 



1654] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 221 

ance known to the Supream Authority of England; which 
with all readiness we shall endeavor to do by the first oppor- 
tunity; and from whom we do hope, and shall expect, by 
God's blessing, to have a gracious Answer, and sutable Re- 
dress; And your Petitioners hereunto Subscribed, shall pray, 
etc. 

Dated in Patuxent River, in the Province of 
Maryland, the first of March, 1653. 1 

Subscribed, Richard Preston, and 60 more of the 
House-keepers, and Freemen. 



An Answer to the Petitions lately Received from the Inhabitants 
of the Rivers of Severn and Patuxent. 

Gentlemen, 

We have lately Received from you a Petition and Com- 
plaint against the Lord Baltamore his Governor and Officers 
there, who upon pretence of some uncertain Papers and Re- 
lations to be sent out of England, but no way certified or au- 
thenticated, have presumed to recede from their Obedience to 
the Common-wealth of England, to which they were reduced by 
the Parliaments Commissioners; to the contrary whereof, noth- 
ing hath been sent out of England, as far as is yet made appear 
unto us; But Duplicates and Confirmation of the Commission- 
ers Power and Actions were sent from the Parliament since 
the Recution 2 of Virginia and Maryland. Now whereas you 
Complain of real Grievances and Oppressions, as also of the 
Imposition of an Oath upon you against the Liberty of your 
Consciences, which you say you cannot take as Christians, or 
as Free Subjects of the Common- wealth of England; We have 
thought good to send you this Answer, That because we, nor 
you, have not as yet received, or seen sufficient order, or direc- 
tions from the Parliament and State of England, contrary to 
the form to which you were Reduced and Established by the 
Parliaments said Commissioners; Therefore we advise and 
require you, that in no Case you depart from the same, but 
that you continue in your due Obedience to the Common- 
wealth of England, in such manner as you, and they, were 

1 1654, N. S. 2 Reduction. 



222 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654 

then appointed and engaged; And not to be drawn aside from 
the same upon any pretence of such uncertain Relations, as we 
hear are divulged among you. To which we expect your real 
Conformity, as you will answer the contrary; notwithstanding 
any pretence of power from the Lord Baltamore's Agents, or 
any other whatsoever to the contrary. 

Your very loving friends, 
Virginia, March Richakd Bennet. 

the 12. 1653 [1654]. Will. Claibourn. 

A Declaration published in Maryland. 

It cannot be unknown to the Inhabitants of Maryland, 
that about two yeers since, this Province was Reduced and 
Settled under the Obedience of the Common-wealth of Eng- 
land, by the Parliaments Commissioners sent thither with 
special Commission and Instructions to that purpose: And 
that Captain William Stone, Mr. Tho. Hatton, and others, re- 
assuming the power and place of Governor and Councel here, 
undertook, and promised to continue in their said Obedience, 
and to issue out all Writs, Process, and proceedings in the 
Name of the Keepers of the Liberty of England, as was Com- 
manded by the said Instructions, by which Maryland was 
reduced; which said Commission and Instructions have been 
since renewed, and the proceedings of the said Commissioners 
owned by the Committee of the Councel of State, as by their 
Order and Report drawn up for the Parliament may appear, 
wherein the Lord Baltamore's Agents are taxed for refusing 
to issue out Writs in the Name of the Keepers of the Liberty 
of England. Notwithstanding all which appearing so clear and 
evident, The said Captain Stone and Mr. Hatton, though they 
continued, and exercised the Government for some time, and 
for divers Courts, in the Name of the Keepers of the Liberty 
of England, yet have they since, upon no good ground, falsi- 
fied their said trust and engagement, though acted publickly, 
and after long Advice and Consideration: And having re- 
jected, and cast off their said Obedience to the Common- 
wealth of England, have further refused to Govern this Pro- 
vince according to the Laws of England, but declare and 
assume a power and practise contrary thereunto, and con- 



1654] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 223 

trary to the late Platform of Government of the Common- 
wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Dominions 
thereof; As namely, by the Governors Negative Voice in As- 
semblies, and his cruising and removing Counsellors at pleas- 
ure, and the like, is manifest. And whereas we have lately 
received Commands from his Highness the Lord Protector, 
to publish the said Platform of Government; and that all 
Writs and Proceedings should be issued in the Name of his 
Highness; 1 to which, though we desire this Government should 
be conformable, yet the said Captain Stone and Mr. Hatton, 
having lately Associated unto them divers Counsellors, all of 
the Romish Religion, and excluding others appointed by the 
Parliaments Commissioners, have, and do refuse to be obedi- 
ent to the Constitutions thereof, and to the Lord Protector 
therein; And have in the name, and by special direction of 
the said Lord Baltamore, made Proclamation, and exacted an 
Oath of Fidelity from all the Inhabitants of the Province, con- 
trary, and inconsistent to the said Platform of Government: 
which said Oath nevertheless, and the Law here commanding 
the same, and many other Laws, are likewise by the Report of 
the said Committee of the Councel of State, declared to be con- 
trary to the Laws and Statutes of the English Nation; which is 
an express breach of his Patent, And whereas the said Oath, 
in many particulars, is distasted by all the Inhabitants of 
Maryland: and especially out of tenderness of Conscience by 
all Northern Plantations of Patuxent and Severne, who having 
lately engaged to the Parliament of England, do say, and de- 
clare, they cannot take the said Oath to the Lord Baltamore 
to be absolute Lord and Proprietary of Maryland, and to the 
utmost of their power, to defend and maintain all his Rights, 
and Royal Jurisdictions, Prerogatives, Dominion, etc., Upon 
which their refusal of the said Oath, the said Captain Stone, 
by the said Lord Baltamore's especial direction, hath set forth 
a Proclamation, declaring, That all such persons so refusing, 
shall be for ever debarred from any Right, or Claim to the 
Lands they now enjoy, and live on: And that the said Captain 
Stone, as his Lordships Governor, is thereby required to cause 
the said Lands to be entred, and seized upon, to his Lord- 
ships use ; 

1 This assertion is not sustained by evidence. 



224 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654 

By which strange, and exorbitant proceedings, many great 
Cruelties and Mischiefs are likely to be committed, and many 
hundreds, with their Wives and Families, are utterly ruined, 
as hath been formerly done here, and at Kent, though Planted 
before the Lord Baltimore's Claim to Maryland; with many 
Murders, and illegal Executions of men, Confiscations of Es- 
tates and Goods, and great miseries sustained by Women and 
Orphans: In Consideration and just fear whereof, the said 
Planters of Patuxent and Severne, have made their often 
Addresses to us, as some of the then Commissioners for the Re- 
ducement of Maryland, and most lamentably Complain of the 
great Danger they stand in of being utterly undone, and 
chiefly for engaging their Fidelitie to the Common-wealth and 
Parliament of England, now devolved to his Highness the 
Lord Protector; their Obedience and Faith to both, being 
plainly repugnant to each other, and inconsistent ; 

We therefore the Commissioners of the Parliament, having 
written and proposed to the said Captain Stone and that 
Councel, for a Meeting, to procure a right understanding in 
the matters aforesaid, and to prevent the great inconven- 
iences likely to ensue: In Answer thereunto, though they ac- 
knowledge our Lines Peaceable, yet so exulcerated are their 
minds, that in the very next Line they add, We in plain terms 
say, We suppose you to be Wolves in Sheeps clothing; with many 
other following like uncivil, and uncomely words, and ex- 
pressions; 

In Contemplation therefore of all the Premises, we have 
thought fit for to make publication hereof, and to justifie and 
manifest our proceedings in these Affairs, lest many people 
may be ensnared by false and cunning suggestions and pre- 
tences, as lately hath been practised herein, the falsitie where- 
of time hath sufficiently demonstrated; And we are ready to 
give further satisfaction for the truth of any of the particu- 
lars before alleaged, if any shall desire itj or repair to us to that 
purpose, which they may securely do. 

Wherefore we advise, and in the Name of his Highness the 
Lord Protector, Require all the Inhabitants of this Province, 
to take notice of the Premises, and to contain, and keep them- 
selves in their due obedience under his Highness the Lord 
Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Domin- 



1654] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 225 

ions thereto belonging, of which this is undoubtedly a part, 
and ought to be Governed accordingly; whereby they may 
assure themselves of the peaceable enjoyment of their Liber- 
ties, profession of their Religion, and their Estates, and that 
they shall be protected from wrong and violence in what kind 
soever. 

Hereby also Protesting against the said Captain William 
Stone, Mr. Thomas Hatton, and all others any way Confed- 
erate, or Assistant with them in their unlawful practises, that 
they may be accomptable, and answerable to God and the 
State of England under his Highness the Lord Protector, for 
all the mischiefs, damages, losses, and disorders that may, or 
shall happen thereby. 

Dated at Patuxent in Mary- Richard Bennet 

land the 15. of July 1654. Will. Claiborne. 

Captain William Stone's Resignation of the Government. 

Whereas since the Orders or Directions of the Commis- 
sioners of the State of England for the Government of this 
Province of Maryland, of the 28 of June, 1652, I William 
Stone Esquire, Governor of the said Province, was Enjoyned 
by the Direction and Appointment of the Right Honorable, 
the Lord Baltamore, Lord Proprietary of the said Province, to 
issue out all Writs and Process, within this Province, in his 
the said Lord Proprietaries name, and to admit of those of 
the Councel which were appointed by his Lordship, and no 
other: And whereas upon my Compliance with his Lordships 
Commands therein, not any wayes contradictory, so far as I 
understand, to any Command from the Supream Authority in 
England, the said Commissioners, in pursuance of their Dec- 
larations lately here published, have threatened, and gone 
about by force of Arms to compel me to decline his, the said 
Lord Proprietaries, Directions and Commands before men- 
tioned; which in regard of the trust reposed in me, by his 
said Lordship, as Governor here under him, I conceive I was 
engaged not to do; I have therefore thought fit, for preven- 
tion of the effusion of Blood, and ruine of the Country and 
Inhabitants, by an Hostile Contest upon this occasion, to lay 
down my Power as Governor of this Province under his Lord- 



226 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654 

ship ; and do promise for the future, to submit to such Govern- 
ment as shall be set over us by the said Commissioners, in the 
Name, and under the Authority of his Highness the Lord 
Protector. 

Witness my Hand the 20 of July, 1654. 
In presence of William Stone. 

Thomas Gerrard. 

Thomas Hatton. 

Edm. Scarburgh. 

Order for settling the Government of Maryland. 

Whereas by several Orders drawn up and Published at St. 
Marie's the 29 of March, and the 28 of June, 1652, Mary- 
land was Reduced and settled under the Authority and Obedi- 
ence of the Common-wealth of England, as to the Government 
thereof, by special Order and Command of the Councel of State 
by Commission from the Parliament, and was left in the hands 
of Captain William Stone, Mr. Hatton, and others; who were 
required, and promised to issue out Writs and other Process 
in the Name of the Keepers of the Liberty of England, accord- 
ing to the express words of the Commission and Instructions 
for Reducing, Settling, and Governing of all the Plantations 
in the Bay of Chesapiak to the Obedience of the Common- 
wealth of England, as in and by the aforesaid Orders and Proc- 
lamations may and doth appear: And whereas the aforesaid 
Captain Stone, by special Order and Directions from the Lord 
Baltamore as it appeareth, was perswaded and induced to go 
away from his Obligation and the Trust reposed in him, By 
issuing forth Writs and all other Process in the Name of the 
Lord Proprietary of this Province, placing and displacing those 
of the Councel, and imposing an Oath upon the Inhabitants, 
contrary unto and inconsistent with the said Engagement and 
Oath to the Common-wealth of England, upon the Penalty and 
Forfeiture of the Lands of all such as should Refuse to take 
the same within three Months after publication thereof, which 
were then to be Entred upon, and Seized to his Lordships use; 
thereby occasioning great discontent and disturbance among 
the Inhabitants, besides the Irregularity and Cruelty of the said 
proceedings, and the Opposition, Contempt, and Rebellion 



1654] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 227 

therein to the Common-wealth of England and his Highness 
the Lord Protector; And further, whereas by a late Proclama- 
tion, dated the 4th of this Month, published in this Province, 
both the Commissioners of State, and the people who adhered 
to their Engagement to the Common-wealth of England, 
and refused to own or acknowledge any other Name or Au- 
thority, as to Government, or take any other Oath but what 
they had already taken to that power, were charged, That they 
drew away the people, and led them into Faction, Sedition, 
and Rebellion against the Lord Baltamore; whereby not only 
the Lands and Plantations of many hundreds of people, but 
also their Estates and Lives were liable to be taken away at the 
pleasure of the aforesaid Lord Baltamore and his Officers : By 
all which unjust and unreasonable proceedings, the people 
were put upon a necessity of standing upon their own de- 
fence, for the Vindication of their just Rights and Liberties, 
and freeing themselves from those great Oppressions, where- 
by the whole Province was very much threatned, and appar- 
ently endangered; For the prevention whereof, as also for the 
Relief of those who were so deeply distressed, and for the Set- 
tlement of the Province in peace, and in their due Obedience 
under his Highness, The said Commissioners by Authority 
derived unto them from his Highness the Lord Protector, 
applyed themselves unto Captain William Stone the Governor, 
and the Councel of Maryland, according to a Declaration of 
the 15 of this Month, herewith published, who returning only 
opprobrious and uncivil language, presently mustered his whole 
power of men and Souldiers in Arms, intending to surprize 
the said Commissioners, and as could be imagined, to destroy 
all those that had refused the said unlawful Oath, and only 
kept themselves in their due obedience to the Common-wealth 
of England, under which they were Reduced and Settled by the 
Parliaments Authority and Commission as aforesaid; Then 
the said Commissioners in peaceable and quiet manner, with 
some of the people of Patuxent and Severne, went over the 
River of Patuxent, and there at length received a Message 
from Capt. Stone, That the next day they would meet and 
treat in the Woods; and thereupon being in some fear of a 
party to come from Virginia, he condescended to lay down 
his power lately assumed from the Lord Baltamore, and to 



228 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654 

submit (as he had once before done) to such Government as 
the Commissioners should appoint under his Highness the 
Lord Protector; 

It is therefore Ordered and Declared by the said Com- 
missioners, That for Conservation of the Peace and publick 
administration of Justice within the said Province of Mary- 
land, Captain William Fuller, Mr. Richard Preston, Mr. Wil- 
liam Durand, Mr. Edward Lloyd, Captain John Smith, Mr. 
Leonard Strong, Mr. Lawson, Mr. John Hatch, Mr. Richard 
Wells, and Mr. Richard Ewen, or any Four of them, whereof 
Captain William Fuller, Mr. Richard Preston, or Mr. William 
Durand to be always one, to be Commissioners for the well 
Ordering, Directing, and Governing the Affairs of Maryland, 
under his Highness the Lord Protector of England, Scotland, 
and Ireland, and the Dominions thereof, and in his Name 
only, and no other; and to proceed therein as they shall see 
cause, and as neer as may be, according to the Laws of England : 
To appoint and hold Courts for the due administration of Jus- 
tice and Right in such places, and at such times as they shall 
think fit and necessary : And any of the Commissioners of the 
Quorum, to issue forth Writs, Warrants, Subpoena's, etc. As 
also that they Summon an Assembly to begin on the 20th 
day of October next; For which Assembly all such shall be 
disabled to give any Vote, or to be Elected Members thereof, 
as have born Arms in War against the Parliament, or do pro- 
fess the Roman Catholick Religion. And the said Mr. Wil- 
liam Durand is hereby appointed to be Secretary to the said 
Commissioners, and to receive the Records from Mr. Thomas 
Hatton; And Captain John Smith, to be Sheriff for this ensu- 
ing yeer. 
Dated at Patuxent, in the Province 

of Maryland, the 22 of July . Richard Bennet. 

1654. William Claiborne. 

Cecilius, Lord Baltamore, To all to whom these Presents 
shall come, Greeting. Whereas our Sovereign Lord the King, 
by His Highness Commission under the Great Seal of Eng- 
land, bearing date at Oxford the 28 day of February now last 
past, Hath authorized Leonard Calvert Esquire, Brother of 
me the said Lord Baltamore, to Treat, Conclude, and Agree at, 



1644] VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 229 

and with the General Assembly of the Colony of Virginia, for 
and concerning the Ascertaining and Establishing by Act of 
General Assembly there, of Customs and Duties to be paid to 
His Majesty, His Heirs, and Successors in Virginia, upon 
Exportation of Tobacco, and other Goods and Merchandizes 
from thence, and upon all other Goods and Merchandizes 
brought in and imported there, other then for necessary sup- 
ply for Cloathing imported, as by the said Commission more 
at large appeareth: And whereas by a Contract or Agree- 
ment in Writing, bearing date the day of the date of the said 
Commission, made between our Sovereign Lord the King, of 
the one party; and me, the said Lord Baltamore, on the other 
party, Reciting the said Commission herein before recited; 
our said Sovereign Lord the King, for the considerations in the 
said Contract or Agreement expressed, Is pleased, and hath 
agreed with me the said Lord Baltamore, that in case a cer- 
tainty of Customs and Duties shall be Established by Act of 
General Assembly of the said Colony of Virginia, according 
to the tenor of the said Commission, That then His said Ma- 
jesty will make a Lease or Grant to me, and such others as I 
shall desire to be joyned with me, of the same Customs and 
Duties which shall be established as aforesaid, for such term, 
and under such Rents and Covenants as in the same Contract 
or Agreement, are expressed; And that immediately after 
the Establishing of the said Customs and Duties as aforesaid, 
and until such Lease or Grant shall be made as aforesaid, I 
the said Lord Baltamore, and such as I shall appoint, shall 
be the Receiver or Receivers, Collector or Collectors of all such 
Customs and Duties as shall be established as aforesaid, to the 
proper use of me the said Lord Baltamore, my Executors, 
Administrators, and Assigns, without accompt; paying cer- 
tain Rents, Salaries, and Entertainments in the said Contract 
or Agreement expressed and mentioned; And his Majesty 
hath by the same Contract or Agreement, Constituted and 
Ordained me, the said Lord Baltamore, and my Deputy or 
Deputies, to be appointed by me, to be his Collector and Re- 
ceiver of all Customs and Duties which shall become due and 
payable to His Majesty, as aforesaid, as by that part of the said 
Contract or Agreement which is remaining with me the said 
Lord Baltamore, being under the Great Seal of England, more 



230 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1644 

at large appeareth: Know ye now, That I the said Lord Balta- 
more, for divers good Causes and Considerations me thereunto 
moving, Have substituted, ordained, made, and appointed; 
And by these Presents do Substitute, Ordain, Make, and 
Appoint to be my Deputy in this 

behalf, and do by force and vertue of the same Contract or 
Agreement, Authorize and put the said 

in my place and stead, and to the use of me, my Heirs, Execu- 
tors, Administrators, and Assigns, to Receive, Collect, and 
Gather all such Customs and Duties whatsoever, as in pursu- 
ance of the before recited Commission, and Contract, or Agree- 
ment shall be established to be paid to his Majesty, his Heirs 
and Successors in Virginia aforesaid, by Act of General Assem- 
bly of the said Colony, and out of the same to pay, and dis- 
charge all such Rents, Salaries, and Entertainments, as by the 
said Contract or Agreement are mentioned to be by me paid 
and discharged; rendring to me, my Executors, Administra- 
tors, and Assigns, the Overplus or Remainder of the same 
Customs and Duties: Giving, and hereby Granting unto the 
said as full Power and Authority 

to recover, and receive the said Customs and Duties to be Es- 
tablished as aforesaid, to the use aforesaid, when the same 
shall grow due; and to give Acquittances and Receipts for 
the same, and to Substitute and Appoint one or more Person 
or Persons under him in this behalf, and the same to revoke at 
his will and pleasure, and to pay and discharge the said Sala- 
ries and Entertainments, as I my self have, or may, or might 
claim to have by force and vertue of the said Contract or 
Agreement; And further, to do, execute, and finish all and 
every such further, and other Acts and things which shall be 
expedient and necessary to be done by the said 

touching the Premises by reason of his being 
my Deputy as aforesaid, as effectually as I might do the same 
being personally present: Ratifying, Confirming, and Allow- 
ing all, and whatsoever the said 

shall do, or cause to be done in the Premises in pursuance 
hereof. In witness whereof I the said Lord Baltamore have 
hereunto put my Hand and Seal at Arms, the tenth day of 
April, 1644, Annoq; Regis Caroli Angl. etc. vicessimo. 

C. Baltamore. 



BABYLON'S FALL, BY LEONARD STRONG, 1655 



INTRODUCTION 

Leonard Strong, the author of this pamphlet published 
in London in 1655, who is described on the title-page as Agent 
for the people of Providence in Maryland, was one of the Puri- 
tan settlers at that place. On July 22, 1654, Governor Stone 
having been ousted by Richard Bennett and William Clai- 
borne, the commissioners of Parliament, Strong was named 
by them as one of the ten commissioners appointed "for the 
conservation of peace and the administration of Justice in the 
Said Province of Maryland." 1 

This pamphlet, Babylon's Fall, and the one which imme- 
diately follows in this volume, the Refutation of Babylon's 
Fall, by John Langford, give very contradictory accounts of 
the same events. For their better understanding the two 
papers should be read in conjunction, so that each may cast 
light upon the other. 

In respect to the battle at the Severn between the forces 
under Governor Stone, representing the Lord Proprietary, 
and those under William Fuller, representing the govern- 
ment at Providence, established by the commissioners ap- 
pointed by the Parliament of England, it is to be observed 
that in these conflicting reports each side is charged by the 
other with responsibility for the strife and with having begun 
hostilities. Discrepancies like these, and as to the number 
engaged on each side and the number slain, are not unusual in 
accounts of military events written respectively from the view- 
point of the victors and the vanquished, in respect to matters 

1 See p. 228, supra. 
233 



234 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

conducted on a larger scale than those which are here re- 
corded. 

The words " royal jurisdictions" complained of in this 
pamphlet as contained in the oath prescribed by Lord Balti- 
more in the form of oath for the Governor and Councillors, 
has already been noted as expressing merely acknowledgment 
and recognition of the "royalties, royal rights and temporal 
franchises" such as belonged to the Bishop of Durham, within 
the county palatine of Durham, and which were conferred 
upon Lord Baltimore in Maryland by the terms of his charter. 
. The Governor was not required by his oath to uphold the 
Roman Catholic religion, but merely not to molest or discrimi- 
nate against those that professed it. 

In respect to the Assembly convened by the commission- 
ers which is described as "a full and lawful representative of 
the whole Province" it is to be noted that in the writs for the 
election it was expressly directed that no Roman Catholic 
should be eligible for election, or permitted to vote. 

In this pamphlet it is charged that Governor Stone had 
issued "several Commissions to Papists and other desperate 
and bloody fellows." This grouping of descriptive terms well 
illustrates the animus of the writer. 

The text here printed is taken from an example of the 

original edition in the library of the Boston Athenaeum. The 

pamphlet was reprinted in the Maryland Historical Magazine, 

III. 228, from a transcript made from a copy in the British 

Museum. 

C. C. H. 



BABYLON'S FALL 

Babylon's Fall in Maryland: a Fair Warning to Lord Baltamore; 
or a Relation of an Assault made by divers Papists, and 
Popish Officers of the Lord Baltamore' 's against the Pro- 
testants in Maryland; to whom God gave a great Victory 
against a greater force of Souldiers and armed Men, who 
came to destroy them. 

Published by Leonard Strong, Agent for the people of Providence 
in Maryland. Printed for the Author, 1655. 1 

In the yeer 1649, many, both of the congregated Church, 
and other well-affected people in Virginia, being debarred 
from the free exercise of Religion under the Government of 
Sir William Barkely, 2 removed themselves, Families and Es- 
tates into the Province of Maryland, being thereunto invited 
by Captain William Stone, then Governor for Lord Balta- 
more, with promise of Liberty in Religion and Priviledges of 
English Subjects. 

An Oath to the Lord Baltamore was urged upon this people 
soon after their coming up, which if they did not take, they 
must have no Land, nor abiding in the Province. This Oath 
was very scrupulously looked upon: first, In regard it bindes 
to acknowledge and be subject to a Royal Jurisdiction and 
absolute Dominion of the Lord Baltamore, and to defend it 
and him against all power whatsoever. This was thought far 
too high for him, being a Subject, to exact upon such terms as 
it was exacted and too much unsutable to the present liberty 
which God had given the English Subjects from Arbitrary and 
Popish Government as the Lord Baltamore's Government 
doth plainly appear to be. Secondly, It was exceedingly 
scrupled on another account viz. : That they must swear to up- 
hold that Government and those Officers who are sworn to 

1 Title-page of the original. 2 Berkeley. 

235 



236 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1652 

countenance and uphold Antichrist, in plain words exprest in 
the Officers Oath, the Roman Catholick Religion. 1 And for 
these people to own such by an Oath, whom in their hearts 
they could by no means close with; what could it be accounted 
but Collusion? 

Yet nevertheless the people that were then come up to 
Providence, considering Lord Baltamore to be Lord of the 
soil, and willing to acknowledge him, and pay him his due 
Rents and Services; upon that account took an Oath which 
was much qualified and moderated from its former rigour : but 
this, though it was accepted by Captain Stone, the Lord Bal- 
tamore's Lieutenant, yet utterly rejected by his Lordship, 
who gave order, That the Oath absolutely should be urged; 
and gave special instructions and charge to his Lieutenant to 
proclaim, That all that would not take the Oath within three 
Months after publication, and pay Rents, and sue out Patents, 
should be expulsed the Province, and the Land seized to his 
Lordships use; who required his Officers to see the contents 
of the Proclamation executed. 

Now the people having been formerly sensible of such 
yokes, imposed contrary to what was promised them before 
they came into the Province, complained by their Agent in 
England. 

First, to the Lord Baltamore, desiring his Lordship, That 
such burthens as the Oath and other great inconveniences 
mentioned in our instructions, might be removed. But the 
Lord Baltamore rejected the motion. Our Agent presented 
a Petition to the Council of State, where it hath been depend- 
ing neer four yeers, without any hearing, Answer or Relief; 
which hath brought unspeakable troubles upon this Province, 
and now at last occasioned the Shedding of much English 
blood, yea, of the Saints in Maryland. God grant that Right 
and Justice may have a more open course to flow into all the 
Dominions of England, without obstructions, and that inno- 
cent blood be not shed any more for want thereof. 

In the yeer 1652 Richard Bennet Esq., Colonel William 
Cleyborne, and Captain Edmund Curtis, Commissioners from 
the supream Authority of the Commonwealth of England, 
arrived in Maryland, in the Guiny 2 Friggot, to reduce that 

1 See p. 212, supra, and note 1, there. 2 Guinea. 



1654] BABYLON'S FALL 237 

Province into the obedience of the Commonwealth of Eng- 
land, according to their Commission; which was effected 
by them, first, in their taking away the Commissions and 
Powers of the Lord Baltamore, in the hands of Captain Wil- 
liam Stone his Governour, and Thomas Hatton his Secretary, 
and the rest of the Lord Baltamores Councel; as they had 
very good cause so to do; for none of the English Dominions 
had more need of being reduced; and caused them to take 
the Engagement to the Commonwealth of England, as it was 
then without King or House of Lords. And so they might 
have continued in their places still, onely to the Common- 
wealth of England ; but they would not yield to issue out Writs 
in any other name, then Lord Baltamore's because of their 
Oath to him. 

In the yeer 1654, upon some Instructions and Relations 
from the Lord Baltamore out of England, Captain William 
Stone and Mr. Thomas Hatton, and the Popish Councellors, 
rose up against the Reducement, displacing those whom the 
States Commissioners had placed, and introducing the old 
Popish Councel; calling that which was done by commission 
from the Councel of State in England, Rebellion against the 
Lord Baltamore; and those that were Actors in it, Factious 
and Seditious Persons: which was done by a Proclamation 
full of railing terms, published at Providence in the Church- 
meeting. 

i , The Commissioners for the Commonwealth of England, 
hearing that new Orders and Instructions were come to Mary- 
land from Lord Baltamore, and that one Scarborough, a mis- 
chievous instrument of the Lord Baltamore, was gone up [to] 
Maryland, resolved to come and see in what condition their 
affairs stood. And finding a direct contradiction to, and 
receding from that obedience to the Commonwealth of Eng- 
land which was promised but not performed by the Lord 
Baltamore's Officers, applied themselves in a peaceable and 
loving way to perswade them into their due and promised 
obedience, yet because the said Commissioners were given to 
understand, That there was a mischievous design by Lord 
Baltamore's Officers and their Complices to apprehend their 
persons, and to raise Forces against the lawful Power of the 
Commonwealth of England; 



238 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654 

The said Commissioners desired some to come down from 
Providence, and some from Putuxent to guard their Persons, 
and defend themselves and people from that power of men in 
Arms which by this time Captain Stone had pressed in Lord 
Baltamore's name, upon pain of death to assist him against 
the said Commissioners, and gathered together in a formi- 
dable manner. But the said Commissioners being greatly 
desirous of peace, and willing to avoid the shedding of blood, 
applyed themselves to the said Captain Stone to bring him to 
a parley and conference; where after some arguing, the said 
Captain Stone resigned up the Government which he took up 
in the Lord Baltamore's name, into the hand of the Commis- 
sioners of England; promising to be obedient to that Govern- 
ment, which by their Authority should be set over them, under 
his Highness the Lord Protector. 

The ordering and governing the affairs of Maryland, was 
then committed to Captain Will. Fuller, Mr. Rich. Preston, 
Mr. Richard Durand, Mr. Edward Lloyd, and others men- 
tioned in the Commission, who were required to attend the 
Engagement of the Commonwealth of England, to keep 
Courts, and to summon an Assembly in October following. 
At this Assembly there was a full and lawful Representative 
of the whole Province, 1 where the Act of Reducement of this 
Province by Commission from the Councel of State in Eng- 
land to Richard Bennet Esq., Col. William Cleyborne, Ed- 
mund Curtis, was freely and fully acknowledged by the whole 
Assembly; the Burgesse of every respective County and Limit 
confirming the same and submitting thereunto. And did pass 
and record an Act, That whosoever did publish any Writ or 
Summons, Declaration or Proclamation, either in the Lord 
Baltamore's or any other name, then the Government so set- 
tled as aforesaid had and received should be accounted a 
Delinquent against the Commonwealth of England, and dealt 
with accordingly. 

The same Assembly did make Protestation against a Decla- 
ration sent over by his Lordship and recorded by his Secre- 
tary; wherein the said Lord did declare the people at Provi- 
dence, by him called Annardundel, 2 to be Rebels; and strictly 

1 This was the session from which Roman Catholics were excluded and pro- 
hibited from voting at the election of members. 2 Ann Arundell. 



1655] BABYLON'S FALL 239 

charged his Officers efficaciously to deal with them accord- 
ingly: but no ground or reason thereof could be found, But 
their not compliance with his Arbitrary and Popish Govern- 
ment, and the adhering to the Engagement and the Reduce- 
ment aforesaid, and Government setled by the aforesaid Com- 
missioners. 

After this Assembly, the Province was quiet, and so con- 
tinued until the later end of January; about which time the 
Ship Golden Fortune, whereof Captain Tilman was Comman- 
der, arrived in Maryland. 

Then the Lord Baltamore's Officers, and the Popish party 
began to divulge abroad, and boast much of power which came 
in that ship from his Highness the Lord Protector to confirm 
the Lord Baltamore's Patent to him, and to re-establish his 
Officers in their former places under him: which pretended 
power they assumed to themselves; Captain Stone and the 
rest giving out threatning speeches, That now the Rebels at 
Putuxent and Severne, should know that he was Governour 
again; giving Order, That neither Act of the said Assembly 
should be observed, nor Writ from the power established by 
the Commissioners aforesaid obeyed, but what should issue 
forth in the name of the Lord Proprietory, viz. Lord Balta- 
more. And further, the said Captain Stone gave several 
Commissions to the Papists and other desperate and bloody 
fellows, to muster and raise men in arms to be ready upon all 
occasions, giving out that he would go to Putuxent and seize 
the Records of the Province at the place where they were ap- 
pointed to be kept by an Act of the Assembly, and to appre- 
hend Mr. Richard Preston also, at whose house they were; 
which shortly after was effected by Vertue of a Warrant in 
Captain Stone's name, without Proclaiming, or shewing any 
power by which he acted such high Robberies. But in threat- 
ning speeches declared, That they would have the Government; 
and for the terror of others, would hang some of the Commis- 
sioners, which were entrusted with the Government by the 
Commissioners of the Commonwealth of England, under his 
Highness the Lord Protector, namely Captain William Fuller, 
Mr. Richard Preston, and Mr. William Durand. 

About this time Captain William Fuller, Mr. William Du- 
rand, Mr. Leonard Strong and Mr. Richard Ewen, to whom 



240 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

among others the Government was committed, sent two 
Messengers of quality and trust with Letters to Captain Stone 
in a way of peace and love; desiring him to make it known by 
what power he surprised the Records; and desiring him, the 
said Captain Stone, to give an Answer, as by the Letter, re- 
lation thereunto being had, more at large appeareth: But 
the said Captain Stone, instead of giving a satisfactory Answer, 
imprisoned the Messengers, and in much wrath and fury said 
he would show no power : at last he affirmed, that he acted by 
a power from Lord Baltamore; and that the Lord Protector 
had confirmed the Lord Baltamore's power. If so, Sir, said 
one of the Messengers, if it be confirmed, let that appear and 
it will satisfie. Confirmed, said Captain Stone, I'll confirm it ; 
and so sent them home. After this the said Captain Stone and 
his Officers proceeded in their wicked design; yet to colour it 
over, the said Captain Stone published a Proclamation to de- 
ceive the amazed and distracted people at Putuxent; wherein 
he called God to witness, that he intended not to use any hos- 
tile way to them or the people at Providence. Which Pro- 
testation, how false and feigned it was, the following proceed- 
ings of himself and Officers will clearly evidence to all the 
World: for notwithstanding this Proclamation and Protes- 
tation, the said Captain Stone sent up to Putuxent one Wil- 
liam Eltonhead and Josias Fendall, and with them twenty 
men in Arms, who did beset and entred the house of Mr. Rich- 
ard Preston, with intent to surprise him; but not finding him 
at home, took away in Guns, Swords and Ammunition to the 
value of 30 1, sterling; ransacked every place in and about the 
house, to seek for the said Richard Preston; and as some of 
the Company then said with purpose to hang him for his re- 
bellion against the Lord Baltamore. At the same time they 
surprised John Sutton, who was appointed by the Assembly 
and Secretary to attend the Records for any that should have 
occasion to use them either for search or Copy; and carried 
him away Prisoner with such Guns and Ammunition he had, 
and kept him about twenty dayes; even so they dealt with 
Lieutenant Peter Johnson; several other houses at Putuxent, 
they served in the like kinde. And when they were desired 
to shew by what power or Commission they so acted, they 
would in a proud bravado clap their hands on their swords, 



1655] BABYLON'S FALL 241 

and say, Here is a Commission. This was no sooner effected 
at Putuxent, but presently they mustered in Arms two hun- 
dred or two hundred and fifty men at the house of the afore- 
said Eltonhead, which Eltonhead and Fendall sent up by night 
several Boats with armed men, and forced many of Putuxen 
whether they would or not to go with them upon their warlike 
Expedition to Providence ; taking all the Guns, Powder, Shot, 
and Provision, they could anywhere finde. And when they 
had done what they pleased at Putuxent, they bent all their 
forces towards Providence, the chief place of the residence of 
most of the Commissioners, and people that were forced out of 
Virginia by Sir William Barkely for conscience sake, Some of 
the said Company marching by Land, others by Water; they 
that marched by Land, did much spoil and robbery in all the 
Houses and Plantations where they came, breaking open 
Doors, Trunks and Chests. In this barbarous manner, they 
carried it for about forty miles. 

Now again the Commissioners at Providence sent other 
Messengers with a Letter to Capt. Stone, still complaining 
his proceedings and seeking the knowledge of his power; and 
that some better accomodation might be attended to prevent 
the mine and desolation of the whole Province, which this 
course was very likely to bring to pass. If he were resolved 
to come to no Parley or Treaty they protested in the said 
writing, that by the help of God, they were resolved to commit 
themselves into the hand of God, and rather die like men, than 
live like slaves. This was also rejected by the said Captain 
Stone and his Complices, the Messengers apprehended, their 
Boat seized, and onely three of six escaped to bring the report 
of their desperate and bloody design, and that they were upon 
their march in a hostile way. 

Capt. Stone and his Company still drew neerer to Provi- 
dence, into a place called Herring-Creek, where they appre- 
hended one of the Commissioners, and forced another man of 
quality to flie for his life, having threatned to hang him up at 
his own door; and not finding the man, affrighted his wife, 
and plundered the house of Ammunition and Provision, 
threatning still what they would do to the people at Provi- 
dence, and that they would force the rebellious factious 
Roundheads to submit ; and then they would show their power. 



242 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

Having now left the Country behinde them bare of men, 
save only such as fled into the Woods from their cruelty and 
rapine, as also of Arms and Ammunition; the poor women 
urging this to them, What should they do if the Indians should 
come upon them, being thus strip'd of men and Arms to de- 
fend them; and in what a sad and sorrowful condition they 
were left : These merciless men answered scoffingly, It matters 
not, your sorrow is our joy. 

And indeed, it is too apparent, that the Indians waited 
upon their motions, and by examination it was found at Pro- 
vidence, that the Indians were resolved in themselves, or set 
on by the Popish faction, or rather both together to fall upon 
us : as indeed after the fight they did, besetting houses, killing 
one man, and taking another prisoner. 

Now the people at Providence perceiving such a tempest 
ready to fall upon them, and all messages rejected, prepared 
for their coming, looking up and crying to the Lord of Hosts 
and King of Sion, for counsel, strength and courage, being 
resolved in the strength of God to stand on their Guard, and 
demand an account of these proceedings; seeing no other 
remedy, for so great a mischief, could be found. 

About this time Captain Stone sent two men to publish a 
Proclamation quite against the Law established by the Com- 
missioners of the Commonwealth of England, and against an 
Act of a lawful Assembly; which being read, and having no 
other Treaty to offer, they were quietly dismissed to their own 
Company, to whom they might have gone if they would. 

That night Captain Stone and his Army appeared in the 
River of Severne at Providence, with eleven or twelve Vessels, 
greater and lesser, some of which had plundred by the way, 
in which their whole Army were wafted. 

Capt. Fuller and the Councel of War appointed at Provi- 
dence Mr. Wil. Durand, Secretary, to go aboard the Golden 
Lion, which then lay at Anchor in the River, and to fix a Proc- 
lamation in the main mast, directed to Captain Heamans, 
Commander of the said Ship, wherein he was required in the 
name of the Lord Protector, and Commonwealth of England, 
and for the maintenance of the just Libertyes, Lives and Es- 
tates of the free Subjects thereof against an unjust power to 
be aiding and assisting in this service. 



1655] BABYLON'S FALL 243 

The said Captain Heamans at first was unwilling; but 
afterwards seeing the equity of the Cause, and the groundless 
proceedings of the Enemy, he offered himself, Ship, and Men 
for that service, to be directed by the said William Durand. 

The enemy was come within the command of the Ship at 
the shutting in of the evening: the Captain of the Ship was 
required to command them aboard by a piece of Ordnance. 
The enemy with a great noise rejected the warning. Then 
another Piece was levelled where they heard the Boats rowing; 
the Shot whereof lighting something neer, but doing no hurt; 
A Messenger came aboard; but had nothing of any message 
to deliver, save onely that Captain Stone thought the Captain 
of the Ship had been satisfied. To which the Captain an- 
swered, Satisfied, with what? I never saw any power Cap- 
tain Stone had, to do as he hath done; but the Superscription 
of a Letter. 1 I must, and will, appear for these in a good 
Cause. 

That night the Enemy run into the Creek, where they 
landed out of reach of the Ship. 

But in the morning; all their Vessels were block'd up by 
a small Barque with two pieces of Ordinance, which was com- 
manded to lie in the mouth of the Creek, and so kept from 
coming out. 

The same day, being the first day of the week, and the 25 
of March, the Enemy appeared in a body upon a narrow neck 
of the Land, neer their Vessels, and with Drums and shout- 
ings said, Come ye Rogues, come ye Rogues, Roundheaded Dogs ; 
which caused the Captain of the Ship to give fire at them, and 
forced them to march further off, into the neck of Land. 

In the meantime Capt. Will. Fuller with his Company 
came up the River with shoutings and couragious rejoycings, 
and landed with a hundred and twenty men, six mile distant 
from the Enemy: and immediately sent away all their Sloaps 
and Boats, committing themselves into the hand of God: he 
marched directly where the Enemy lay waiting for him. The 
Enemies Sentry shot; immediately they appeared in order. 
Captain Fuller still expecting that then at last possibly they 
might give a reason of their coming, commanded his men upon 
pain of death not to shoot a Gun, or give the first onset; setting 

'Seep. 204. 



244 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

up the Standard of the Commonwealth of England: against 
which the Enemy shot five or six Guns, and killed one man 
in the front before a shot was made by the other. Then the 
word was given In the name of God fall on; God is our Strength, 
that was the word for Providence; the Marylanders Word 
was Hey for Saint Maries. The Charge was fierce and sharp 
for the time; but through the glorious presence of the Lord 
of Hosts manifested in and towards his poor oppressed people, 
the Enemy could not endure, but gave back; and were so 
effectually charged home, that they were all routed, turned 
their backs, threw down their Arms, and begged mercy. After 
the first Volley of shot, a small Company of the Enemy, from 
behinde a great tree fallen, galled us, and wounded divers of 
our men, but were soon beaten off. Of the whole Company of 
the Marylanders there escaped onely four or five, who run 
away out of the Army to carry news to their Confederates. 
Captain Stone, Colonel Price, Captain Gerrard, Captain Lewis, 
Captain Hendall, Captain Guither, Major Chandler, and all 
the rest of the Councellors, Officers and Souldiers of the Lord 
Baltamore among whom, both Commanders and Souldiers, a 
great number being Papists, were taken, and so were all their 
Vessels, Arms, Ammunition, provisions; about fifty men 
slain and wounded. We lost onely two in the field; but two 
died since of their wounds. God did appear wonderful in 
the field, and in the hearts of the people; all confessing him 
to be the onely Worker of this victory and deliverance. 
Examinatur 'per me, 

William Durand, 

Secretary of Maryland. 

The Postscript. 

Thus God our Strength appeared for us; and the blood 
which they thirsted after in others, was given to themselves 
to drink; the miseries which they threatned to the innocent, 
fell upon the guilty; the pit which they digged for others, them- 
selves fell into; the cords which they brought to binde us, 
bound themselves. This is the Lord's doing, it may well be 
marvellous in our eyes. 

What hath been written, is but a very abstract of those 



1655] BABYLON'S FALL 245 

great and various providences of God toward his people, and 
against Antichrist; a great Volume would not contain the 
wonders which the Lord himself hath wrought and manifested 
to the hearts of his people in this dispensation. The sum is, 
Satan and his seed, rising up against the seed of the woman, 
bruises the heel of Christ, but destroyes himself utterly. The 
further evil men proceed in their own way, the neerer to de- 
struction: so it is with all flesh, it works itself into ruine, 
through the adored depths of the wisdom of God. 

Those who are acquainted with the clear and familiar ap- 
pearances of God to his people in times of distress, can under- 
stand and re Joyce in what may be now a little further hinted. 

First, the Lord confounded the Language of Babel in the 
hearts, projects, and consultations of his people, when they 
were devising to defend themselves from this danger, till they 
came to that condition of Jehosaphat, we know not what to 
do, but our eyes are towards thee; wilt thou judge them? for 
we have no strength against this multitude. 1 

Secondly, Now the Lord gives testimony from himself in 
the Spirits of many of his Saints in a wonderful, plain, yet 
glorious manner; (for the secret of the Lord is with them that 
fear him) so that as well women as men spake, or rather God 
spake in them an express testimony what should be the issue 
of this conflict, that is, glory to God in the highest, delivrance 
to his people, destruction to Babylon, Songs unto Sion; which 
was revealed so powerfully, evidently, and certainly, that it 
ravish'd the hearts of some, astonish'd others, and encouraged 
the heart both of General, Captains, and Souldiers, as well as 
others that could not fight, to a Triumph before the Engage- 
ment, and the enjoyment of a victory by the assurance of faith, 
before one stroke of the battle. 

The bow of the Lord was made quite bare, to be seen of all 
that had an eye to see, and his arrows were seen to be sharp in 
the heart of the Kings enemies before they fell under him. 
God made the feeble to be as David, and David as God : they 
were carried out in the strength of the Lord, who gave this 
testimony to one of the Captains, just as the Enemy came up, 
The Victory is yours: but God shall be seen, and not man in 
it. After the battle, what acknowledgement of God in it was 

1 II Chronicles xx. 12. 



246 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

in every mean Souldiers mouth, as well as the Commanders, 
what praising of God, is beyond expression. They run through 
all the Company, Give God the glory, Blessed be the name of 
the Lord. 



REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL, BY JOHN 
LANGFORD, 1655 



INTRODUCTION 

This pamphlet, as its title indicates, was prepared in 
reply to the document next preceding in this volume. Its 
author, John Langford, is described on the title-page as "Gen- 
tleman, servant to the Lord Baltimore," and in the first para- 
graph he declares that he had been employed by his Lordship 
in his affairs relating to the province for above twenty years. 

The original receipt for the first delivery of two Indian 
arrows, the yearly tribute reserved under the charter of Mary- 
land, at Windsor Castle, Tuesday, April 23, 1633 (this paper 
is in the possession of the Maryland Historical Society), recites 
that they were delivered at the Castle by John Langford. 
This was six months before the sailing of the first colonists. 
Langford was among the early settlers of Maryland, where he 
became surveyor general and a member of the Council. 

A brief summary of the events which led up to the condi- 
tions mentioned in this and the two preceding papers, and to 
the battle at the Severn, is given in the introduction to Virginia 
and Maryland, pp. 184-186, supra. 

It is to be noted that in this conflict Captain Fuller had the 
support of Captain Heamans, commanding the ship Golden 
Lion, an armed merchantman trading from England, and 
then lying at anchor in the river. The motives which in- 
duced Captain Heamans to take sides in the conflict are dif- 
ferently represented by the narrators of this and the preceding 
account, the one claiming his sympathy with the cause, the 
other that his services were bought and paid for. It is evi- 
dent, however, that Captain Fuller did formally demand the 
support of Heamans in the name of his Highness the Lord Pro- 

249 



250 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

tector. Fuller also secured the service of a small bark trading 
out of New England, equipped with two pieces of ordnance, 
which he caused to blockade the mouth of the creek where the 
boats were lying which had brought the greater part of Gov- 
ernor Stone's men to the scene. This was done during the 
night preceding the engagement, and thus cut off in advance 
their means of retreat. 

The letters of Mr. 1 Luke Barber and Mrs. Virlinda Stone, 
wife of the Governor, contain valuable accounts from persons 
who had the best possible means of information. The killing of 
certain of the prisoners after they had surrendered upon prom- 
ise of quarter, mentioned in these letters, is an undisputed fact. 

Following the letters is the text 2 of the oath of fidelity re- 
quired of grantees of land, with an explanatory note pointing 
out the differences between this oath and that required of 
the Governor and the members of Council ; a copy of the Act 
concerning Religion enacted in 1649; and of a declaration 
signed by the Governor and numbers of other Protestant 
inhabitants of the province dated April 17, 1650, and certify- 
ing to the completeness of religious liberty enjoyed by them 
under the proprietary government. 

The Act concerning Religion has been the subject of much 
controversy and consequent misapprehension. By many it 
has been supposed that the establishment of religious freedom 
in Maryland dates from this enactment in 1649. But it is clear 
from the instructions given by Lord Baltimore, under date of 
November 13, 1633, to the first colonists, 3 that this was the 
fixed policy of Lord Baltimore from the beginning. That it 
was prescribed by proclamation of the Lord Proprietary ap- 

1 Also referred to as Dr. Barber. He was a member of the Council and for 
a short time Deputy Governor. Archives of Maryland, III. 323, 331. 

2 This text differs somewhat from that of the oath of fidelity prescribed in 
1648 (Archives of Maryland, III. 196), chiefly in omitting the word "royal" 
before the word "jurisdiction." See p. 214, supra. 

8 See pp. 13, 16, supra. 



INTRODUCTION 251 

pears from the record of the trial of William Lewis in 1638. 
Lewis, a Roman Catholic, had forbidden certain Protestants, 
servants quartered wi|h him, to read certain books in his 
house. He seems to have had sufficient cause of provoca- 
tion, but being tried before a court composed of three Roman 
Catholics, Governor Calvert, Secretary Lewger, and Captain 
Cornwaleys, he was convicted and fined for having interfered 
with those persons in the exercise of their religion "contrary to 
his Lordship's proclamation." Another case arose in 1642, 
in which the traverser was also punished by fine. 

The credit for the enactment of 1649 has been claimed 
both for Roman Catholic and Protestant influence in the 
Assembly; and to substantiate such claims, the rival dispu- 
tants have each asserted a majority in the Assembly for the 
religious faith which they championed. The facts upon this 
point are hardly now susceptible of conclusive proof, but even 
if established, nothing as to the controlling influence by which 
this legislation was enacted would be proved; for it would 
have to be further shown that the measure was carried by the 
solid, or at least majority, vote of members adhering to one 
or the other of these two religious factions. And this is im- 
possible, for no record of the proceedings of the Assembly of 
1649 exists beyond the record of the laws enacted and of the 
adoption of an address to the Lord Proprietary, remonstrat- 
ing against the transmission of laws prepared in advance for 
the assent of the Assembly. There is no record as to how the 
vote stood on any question. 

In view of its record in other countries, notably in Spain 
and the Netherlands, it can hardly be claimed that the estab- 
lishment of religious liberty was in accordance with the 
general policy of the Church of Rome; and that it was not 
in accordance with the views of the Puritans in Maryland is 
shown with emphasis by the fact that as soon as the controlling 
hand of the Proprietary was removed, at the first Assembly held 



252 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

under their sway, and from which Roman Catholics were ex- 
cluded, this Act concerning Religion was repealed, and one sub- 
stituted by which "this liberty" was denied to popery and 
prelacy. Members of the Churches of Rome and of England 
were alike excluded from the benefits of toleration. 1 

The facts seem to be easily reducible to the following con- 
clusion: 

Lord Baltimore, himself a Roman Catholic, perceived that 
in order to secure religious freedom for those of his own com- 
munion whom he invited to settle in Maryland, it would be 
necessary to accord it impartially to all who professed Chris- 
tianity. He therefore in a broad-minded spirit of liberality 
and fairness adopted from the beginning the principle of relig- 
ious liberty as the fixed policy of his government. This is in 
accordance with the explanation of his course given by his son 
and successor, Charles, in a letter to the Lords of the Council 
of Trade and Plantations, dated in March, 1678. 2 

When, after the overthrow of the royal power in England, 
Lord Baltimore recognized the necessity of committing the 
government of Maryland into the hands of Protestants, which 
he did by the appointment of William Stone as governor, 
together with that of Protestant members of the Council, he 
sought to preserve the continuance of his policy by securing 
the passage of a law upon the subject by which the people 
would become committed by their own act to the principle of 
religious liberty. With this view he sent to the Governor for 
submission to the Assembly a body of sixteen laws, apparently 
a sort of code, of which an act for religious liberty was one. 
The Assembly did not accept these laws in the form trans- 
mitted, enacted only a portion of them, and made alterations 
in those. Among those so passed was the "Act concerning 
Religion." The latter part of this act, in which the object is 

1 Archives of Maryland, I. 340. 

2 Archives of Maryland, V. 267, 268. 



INTRODUCTION 253 

declared to be "the promotion of love and amity among the 
inhabitants," contains some language identical with that used 
in the oath prescribed for the Governor and may therefore be 
reasonably concluded to have been adopted from the original 
draft sent over by Lord Baltimore. 

It is instructive to note that upon the restoration to Lord 
Baltimore in 1658 of his authority in the province, the laws 
enacted by the assemblies held under the authority of the 
commissioners of Parliament being deemed without legal force 
and void, the commissioners demanded and obtained from 
Lord Baltimore his promise that he would never consent to the 
repeal of that law which they had themselves attempted to 
repeal at the Assembly held by them in 1654, as above noted. 
(Archives of Maryland, III. 334.) 

The original copy of the Act concerning Religion, engrossed 
on sheepskin and bearing the signature "C. Baltemore," is in 
the possession of the Maryland Historical Society, being among 
the large collection of Calvert Papers acquired by that so- 
ciety from England in 1888. How an act relating solely to 
Maryland should have been among them is explained by the 
endorsement upon it: — "Brought from Maryland in the 
troublesome times." (Calvert Papers, I. 75, Fund Publication 
no. 28.) 

The text of the following pamphlet has been collated 
with a copy of the original edition in the library of the Boston 
AthenaBum. It was reprinted in the Maryland Historical 
Magazine, IV. 42, from a transcript made from an original 
copy in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 

C. C. H. 



REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 

A Just and Cleere Refutation of a False and Scandalous Pam- 
phlet Entituled Babylons Fall in Maryland &c and A true 
Discovery of certaine strange and inhumane proceedings of 
some ungratefull people in Maryland, towards those who 
formerly preserved them in time of their greatest distresse. 

To which is added a law in Maryland concerning Religion, and 
a Declaration concerning the same. 

By John Langford, Gentleman, servant to the Lord Baltemore. 

Hee that is first in his owne cause seemeth just, but his neighbour 
commeth and searcheth him. Prov. 18. 17. 

Whose hatred is covered by deceit, his wickednesse shall be shewed 
before the whole Congregation. Prov. 26, 26. 

London, Printed for the Author, 1655. 1 

Having lately met with a Pamphlet, entituled, Babylons 
Fall in Maryland etc. which laves many false and scandalous 
aspersions upon the Lord Baltemore, his Government and 
Officers in Maryland, put forth by one Leonard Strong and 
attested by William Durand pretending to be Secretary of 
that Province, It was thought fit, in regard I have beene ac- 
quainted with and imployed by my Lord Baltemore in his 
affairs relating to that Province, both heere and there, for 
above twenty years last past, That I should publish this brief 
Refutation thereof, to undeceive such as may be deluded by it. 

Captaine Stone (who is well known to be a Zealous and well 
affected Protestant) being Governour of Maryland under the 
Lord Baltemore did receive and protect in Maryland those 
people and their families mentioned by Mr. Strong when they 
were distressed in Virginia under Sir William Berkley, among 
whom it is to be noted that Mr. Richard Bennet (afterwards 
Governour of Virginia) was one, and thereupon a Commission 
was granted by Charles Stuart the eldest son of the late King 

1 Title-page of the original. 
254 



1649] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 255 

to Sir William Davenant, constituting him Governor of the said 
Province, alleadging therein the reasons to be, because the 
Lord Baltemore did visibly adhere to the Rebels in England 
(as he terms them in that Commission) and admitted all kind 
of Sectaries and Schismaticks, and ill affected persons into 
that Plantation. 

These people seated themselves at a place by them called 
Providence, but by an Act of a Generall Assembly there called 
Anne-Arundell in Mariland and there was nothing promised 
by my Lord or Capt. Stone to them, but what was performed. 
They were first acquainted by Capt. Stone before they came 
there, with that Oath of Fidelity, which was to be taken by 
those who would have any Land there from his Lordship, and 
the Oath which was required of them to take before they 
could have any Patent for Land there, was ratifyed by an 
Act of a Generall Assembly of that Province, wherin those 
very men had their Burgesses, there being an expresse Clause 
in it, That it should not bee understood to infringe or preju- 
dice Liberty of Conscience in point of Religion, as will appeare 
by the Oath it selfe, nor had they any regrett to the Oath till 
they were as much refreshed with their intertainment there, 
as the Snake in the Fable was with the Country-mans breast, 
for which some of them are equally thankfull. 

But it is now, it seems, thought by some of those people too 
much below them to take an Oath to the Lord Proprietary 
of that Province, though many Protestants of much better 
quality have taken it and (which is more then can be hoped 
for from some of these men) kept it. 

As to the Government there, they knew it very well before 
they came thither, and if they had not liked it they might have 
forborne comming or staying there, for they were never forced 
to either. The chiefe Officers under my Lord there are Prot- 
estants. The Jurisdiction exercised there by them is no 
other then what is warranted by his Lordships Patent of that 
Province, which gives him the power and priviledges of a 
Count Palatine there, depending on the Supream Authority 
of England, with power to make Lawes with the Peoples con- 
sent, and of Martiall Law in cases of Mutiny, Rebellion, or Se- 
dition, without which powers and priviledges, his Lordship 
would not have undertaken that Plantation, and have beene at 



256 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1651 

so great a charge, and run so many hazards as he hath done 
for it. 

There are none there sworn to uphold Antichrist, as Mr. 
Strong falsly suggests, nor doeth the Oath of Fidelity bind 
any man to maintain any other Jurisdiction, or Dominion of 
my Lords, than what is granted by his Patent; for by expresse 
words it relates to such only as are therein contained, what- 
soever Mr. Strong sayes to the contrary. 

Though some of those people (it seemes) thinke it unfit that 
my Lord should have such a jurisdiction and dominion there, 
(unto which he hath as good a right as Mr. Strong or any of 
those people can claime to any thing they have) yet they it 
seemes by their arrogant and insolent proceedings thinke it 
fit for them to exercise farre more absolute Jurisdictions 
and Dominion there then my Lord ever did, such as in truth 
are Arbitrary and Barbarous without any lawfull right or Au- 
thority at all, nor are they contented with freedome for them- 
selves of Conscience, Person and Estate, (all of which are es- 
tablisht to them by Law there and injoyed by them in as 
ample manner as ever any people did in any place of the world) 
unlesse they may have the liberty to debarr others from the 
like freedome, and that they may domineere, and doe what 
they please. 

As to the pretended Commission mentioned by Mr. Strong 
from the supreame Authority of England in 1652, for reducing 
of Maryland, there was no such thing; but the ground of that 
pretence was this. In September 1651, when the Councell of 
State sent Commissioners from hence, that is to say, Capt. 
Dennis, Capt. Steg, and Capt. Curtis, to reduce Virginia to the 
obedience of the Parliament, the said Councell appointed a 
Committee of themselves for the carrying on of the Affaires of 
the Admirallty, to give instructions to the said Commissioners 
for that business, and Colonell George Thomson being then in 
the Chaire of that Committee, Maryland was at first inserted 
in their instructions to bee reduced as well as Virginia, but the 
Committee being afterwards satisfied by all the Merchants 
that traded thither (who were engaged to assist with their 
ships in the reducement of Virginia) that Maryland was not 
in opposition to the Parliament, that Captaine Stone the Lord 
Baltemores Lieutenant there, was generally knowne to have 



1652] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 257 

beene alwayes zealously affected to the Parliament, and that 
divers of the Parliaments friends were by the Lord Balte- 
mores especiall directions received into Maryland, and well 
treated there, when they were faine to leave Virginia for their 
good affections to the Parliament; then the said Committee 
thought it not fit at all to disturbe that Plantation and there- 
fore in the presence of many of the said Merchants, caused 
Maryland to bee struck out of the said instructions, and the 
Councell of State did thereupon give Licence to many Ships to 
trade at that time to Maryland, but would not permit any to 
goe to Virginia, till that Colony were reduced to obedience; 
all which will bee testified by divers Merchants and others to 
be true. 

In this expedition to Virginia Captaine Dennis and Cap- 
taine Steg the two chiefe Commissioners (who were present 
when Maryland was struck out of the said Instructions) were 
cast away outward bound, in the Admirall of that Fleet which 
was sent from hence upon that service, and with them the 
Originall Commission for that service was lost. 

But Capt. Curtes having a Coppy of the said Commission 
and Instructions with him in another ship, arrived safe in Vir- 
ginia, and there being also nominated in the sayd Commission 
two other persons resident in Virginia, that is, Mr. Richard 
Bennett before mentioned, and Capt. Cleyborne (known and 
declared Enemies of the Lord Baltemores) they together with 
Capt. Curtes proceeded to the reducement of Virginia, which 
was effected accordingly; and Captaine Stone being then the 
Lord Baltemores Lieutenant of Maryland, did actually assist 
them therein. After all which, the sayd Mr. Bennett and Capt. 
Cleyburne went notwithstanding to Maryland, and upon pre- 
tence of a certaine Clause in their Instructions, That they 
should reduce all the Plantations in the Bay of Cheseapeacke, 
to the obedience of the Parliament, because some part of 
Maryland, where the Lord Baltemores chiefe Colony there is 
seated, is within that Bay, as well as all the Plantations of 
Virginia are, they required Capt. Stone and the rest of the 
Lord Baltemores Officers there, first to take the Engagement, 
which they all readily subscribed, and declared, that they did 
in all humility submit themselves to the Government of the 
Common-wealth of England, in chiefe under God: then the 



258 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1652 

said Commissioners required them to issue out Writs and Pro- 
cesse out of the Lord Baltemores Courts there, in the name of 
the Keepers of the Liberty of England, and not in the name 
of the Lord Proprietary as they were wont to doe; wherein 
they desired to bee excused, because they did conceive the 
Parliament intended not to devest the Lord Baltemore of his 
right there; and that they understood out of England that 
the Councell of State intended not that any alteration should 
be made in Maryland, that the Kings name was never used 
heertofore in the said Writs, but that they had alwayes beene 
in the name of the Lord Proprietary according to the Privi- 
ledges of his Patent, ever since the beginning of that Planta- 
tion. That the Act in England for changing of the formes 
of Writs declared onely, that in such Writs and Processe where- 
in the Kings name was formerly used, the Keepers of the 
Liberty of England should for the future be put in stead thereof. 
That the continuing of the Writs in the Lord Proprietaries 
name was essentiall to his interest there, and therefore they 
could not without breach of trust concur to any such alteration : 
Whereupon the said Commissioners demanded of Captaine 
Stone the Lord Baltemore's Commission to him, which hee 
shewed them, and then without any other cause at all they 
detained it and remooved him, and his Lordships other Officers 
out of their employment there under him, and appointed others 
to mannage the Government of that Plantation independent 
of his Lordship. 

By which it appears Mr. Bennet and Capt. Cleyborne took 
upon them an Authority much contrary to the intention of the 
Councell of State, and indeed contrary to common sense and 
reason; for certainly if the Councell had had any excuse to 
have altered their mind in that particular of Maryland, after 
they had strucke it out of the sayd Instructions, they would 
have caused it to have been put in againe by the same name, 
whereby their Intention might have beene cleerely under- 
stood; much lesse could they have any Intention of reducing 
any place that was not in opposition against them, but in due 
obedience; so as if Maryland had been by any mistake put in 
by name to be reduced, upon a supposition in the Councell 
that it had been in opposition, yet they could not in reason 
intend that in case their Commissioners had found when they 



1654] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 259 

came upon the place (as they did) that it was not in opposi- 
tion, that they should reduce it or prejudice any mans right 
upon that accompt : so that whatsoever was done in Maryland 
by the sayd Mr. Bennet, then Governour of Virginia, and the 
other persons Mr. Strong mentioneth as Commissioners from 
England for reducing of Maryland, or their subordinate 
Officers, having no firmer foundation from hence, was done 
without Authority, which makes all those proceedings men- 
tioned by Mr. Strong of his friends and their pretended assem- 
bly there, illegall, mutinous, and usurp'd, and the Lord Balte- 
more and his Officers had just reason to rectifie the same by 
all lawfull means, other then which they used none, when they 
reassumed the Government; for by his Lordships Patent he 
and his Substitutes have power to make use of what force they 
can, to compell such as shall unlawfully oppose his Govern- 
ment there, and by a Law made with the consent of a generall 
Assembly of that Province, wherein the sayd people above 
mentioned had also their Burgesses, it was enacted that such as 
should by force of Armes oppose the Government there under 
the Lord Proprietary, or attempt the disinherison or dispossess- 
ing him (as those people did before Capt. Stone attempted 
any force upon them) of his rights or Jurisdiction there, ac- 
cording to his Patent, should be punished with Death and con- 
fiscation of their Estates, as is usuall and necessary in the like 
cases to be done in all such Governments whatsoever; though 
no such severity is ever put in execution there, but when all 
fair and gentle means, being first tried to reduce such people 
to obedience will not prevail. 

Moreover that pretended authority of the said Commis- 
sioners for reducing of Maryland was urged heere in England by 
Colonell Matthews, 1 Agent for the said Mr. Bennet, and the 
Colonie of Virginia, when his Petition was debated before the 
Committee of Petitions of the late Parliament which began 
in July 1653, and was by that Committee dismissed, and yet 
notwithstanding, after the sayd dismission and Dissolution of 
that Parliament, the sayd Mr. Bennet and Capt. Cleyborne 
did again in July 1654, come into Maryland, and with the as- 

1 See Yong's letter, p. 59, supra, as to Samuel Matthews. He acted more 
than once as agent in London on behalf of Bennett and Claiborne, commissioners 
of Parliament in Virginia and Maryland. 



260 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1654 

sistance of some of the people above mentioned, by force of 
Armes turned out Capt. Stone and the Lord Baltemore's other 
Officers, and put others in their roomes, by what Authority no 
man knowes; for although they had had, as they pretended, 
an Authority (which in truth they had not) from the Parlia- 
ment which was dissolved in April 1653, to do what they did 
in Maryland in 1652, according to Mr. Strong's relation, yet 
after the Dissolution of that Parliament the Authority from 
it ceased, so as all proceedings in prosecution thereof after- 
wards was unwarrantable, unless that Authority which they 
pretended had been given them by an Act or Ordinance of 
Parliament for a certain time then not expired, or confirmed 
by the succeeding supream Authority heer which it was not. 

And although Mr. Strong shelter most of the bloudy 
actions done by those who imploy him hither, under pre- 
tence that the Governement the Counsellors and Officers in 
Maryland were Popish, and therefore there must needs be 
some designe to extirpate those of another Judgement, yet he 
doth not (because indeed he cannot) make appeare any dis- 
turbance given by Lord Baltemores Government to any per- 
son there for matter of Religion, but contrariwise it is well 
known that no Nation affords better Lawes to prevent any 
difference arising upon that Accompt, nor more freedome of 
Conscience then that Government doth, as the most consid- 
erable Protestants in that Province have attested by an In- 
strument under their hands, unto which the sayd Mr. Durand 
(attestor of the aforesayd Pamphlet) hath also subscribed his 
name, wherein they doe also acknowledge that the sayd free- 
dome is provided for not only by the sayd Lawes there, with 
his Lordships assent unto them, but by severall other strict 
Injunctions and Declarations of his Lordships for that purpose. 

There are as well affected Councilors and Officers to his 
Highnesse and this Government imployed and intrusted by 
the Lord Baltemore in Maryland as any that oppose his Lord- 
ship there. And his Highnesse was by Capt. Stone caused to 
be publikely and in a solemn manner proclaymed there as 
Soveraign Lord of that place. 1 

As for the late unhappy contests there which (as Mr. Strong 
saith) were desired by those people above mentioned to be 

1 Archives of Maryland, III. 304. 



1655] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 261 

composed in an amicable way, how doth that agree with their 
turning Captaine Stone out of his Governement in July 1654, 
by force of Armes, and ferrying their men over the River 
towards Capt. Stone in the last conflict, and the shooting of 
Ordnance from Capt. Hemans Ship at Capt. Stone, and the 
blocking up of Capt. Stones Boats by a Barque with two 
peeces of Ordnance (as Mr. Strong confesseth they did before 
any hostile attempt made by Captain Stone upon them) which 
forced Capt. Stone to engage with them in his own defence. 
As to Capt. Stones taking away the Records and Arms from 
those of Patuxent, if he did so, it was but what every discreet 
man ought to have done in the like case, they having been 
Actors in displacing him as formerly; and lest in his absence 
they should attempt upon the Colony behind him; but Mr. 
Strong, I suppose, is the more impudent in alleadging untruths, 
and indeavouring to smother under them the barbarous and 
bloudy actions of those people, because he knows that they 
have taken order to hinder what they can, all persons and 
Letters which may come from thence hither, and have imposed 
Oaths upon all those of concernment whom they had in their 
custody, that they neither should endeavour to com over into 
England, nor write any Letters or Petitions into England, to 
manifest to his Highness the truth of their proceedings in 
Maryland, which will reflect upon Mr. Strong as much as any 
one else; nevertheless providence, notwithstanding all their 
diligence to the contrary, hath brought some Letters and 
Persons lately over from thence, which much contradict Mr. 
Strongs Relation of the last contests there, viz. a Letter from 
Mr. Luke Barber to his Highness the Lord Protector, which 
the sayd Mr. Barber wrote when he thought he should not have 
been able to have got away from thence, the people above 
mentioned having detained him as well as others, but after- 
wards finding means to come hither himself in the same ship 
wherein hee intended to have sent that Letter, hee thought fit 
instead thereof to declare by word of mouth to his Highness 
what was therein contayned, a Copy of which Letter sub- 
scribed by the said Mr. Barber is heerunto annexed, and he will 
affirm the contents thereof upon Oath to be true. Another 
is a Letter from Captain Stones wife (hee being a Prisoner, 
and not suffered to write himselfe) to my Lord Baltemore, a 



262 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

Copy whereof is also heereunto annexed : by both which it ap- 
pears cleerly that Mr. Strong hath omitted to mention the 
putting to death of fowr of Captain Stones party by the people 
above mentioned in cold bloud, severall dayes after the fight, 
and hath very falsly related Capt. Stones and the Lord Balte- 
mores other Officers proceedings in that last contest as well 
in relation to his Highness, as to those people above mentioned; 
wherfore for the present I shall refer the Reader to the said 
Letters for satisfaction therin, till further proofe bee made 
thereof in such a way as his Highness shall please to direct; 
whereupon my Lord Baltemore doubts not but his Highness 
will be pleased to do him and his Officers in Maryland right, 
and to call those to a strict accompt who were actors in the 
horrid murthers aforesaid: for certainly that pretence of 
theirs of acting what they did (as Mr. Strong sayes) in his 
Highness name will not excuse them; no man I conceive 
doubting but that whosoever shall presume to put any man 
to death in his Highness name, without any lawfull Authority 
from him, doth put a great dishonour upon his Highnesse, and 
not mitigate but aggravate the crime of murther in so doing. 

And lastly, though it be a good thing to sing prayses and 
give thankes to God as Mr. Strong doth at the end of his 
Pamphlet, so tis a good thing to know God is not mocked, but 
will render unto every man according to his actions, and vindi- 
cate the innocent. 

The Coppy of a Letter intended for his Highnesse. 

May it please your Highnesse: 

Having formerly had the honour to relate to your Highnes 
not only in your Army, but also as a domestick servant, I 
humbly thought it my duty to give to your Highness a true 
relation of the late disaster of this Countrey, which although 
it bee not a place any way considerable or worth your High- 
ness trouble, yet when I consider the great care and pains your 
Highness hath formerly taken both below your selfe, and 
almost incredible to those that have not been eye-witnesses 
of them, for the true setling of Government, and avoyding the 
needless shedding of bloud, it gives encouragement to my pen, 
and assures me that the score upon which I write, will obtain 



1655] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 263 

a pardon of your Highness for my presumption, it being 
humbly and in the name of that great God (whom I know had 
not your Highness feared would never have so palpably helpt 
your Highness in your greatest necessity, and fought your 
Battels) to beg a boon which will, I doubt not, absolutely end 
the needless shedding of bloud, in this part of the World, in 
regard now both parties pretend to fight for your Highness: 
My Lord, my humble Petition to your Highness is, that your 
Highness would be pleased graciously to condescend so low 
as to settle the Country, so as we may heere understand the 
absolute pleasure and determinate will of your Highness there- 
in, the disobeyers of which cannot after your Highnesse known 
pleasure but in a moment perish, and the rest live secure and 
happie. My Lord I am an absolute stranger heere, as yet 
having not been a month in the Countrie, in which time this 
unfortunate action fell out, so much the sadder, in regard of 
the common enemie the Indian who ever takes advantage by 
our intestine troubles being both cruel and potent, and ther- 
fore I hope will be a motive to further the charitable conde- 
sending of your Highnesse for setling the Country. My Lord 
having had a very tedious passage being necessitated to stay 
above two months in Bermudas and above one month in Vir- 
ginia, so that I was above halfe a yeare from the time that I 
came out of England to my arrivall in Maryland, at which 
arival I found the Country in a great disturbance, the Gover 
nour Captain Stone being ready to march with his Army 
(which heere is considerable if it consist of 200 men) against a 
partie of men at a place called Anne-Arundell who the yeer 
before (pretending a power from your Highnesse as also that 
your Highnesse had taken the Lord Baltemores Country from 
him) bred a great disturbance in the Countrey and withall 
tooke away the Governours Commission from him, which 
Governour being since informed by a Gentleman by name 
Mr. Elkonhead 1 (one that came out of England 2 or 3 
months after me) that the Lord Baltemore kept his Patent, 
and that your Highnesse had neither taken the Lord Balte- 
mores Patent from him nor his Land, hee thought hee might 
act by the contents of his former Commission from the Lord 
Baltemore and accordingly went up to reduce those people 

1 Eltonhead. 



264 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

to the Lord Baltemores Governement, but still under your 
Highness command, as formerly under the Kings, having heer 
in the Country before I came first solemnly proclaymed your 
Highness, as also in all Proclamations and publick Edicts 
ending with God preserve the Lord Protector and the Lord Pro- 
prietary. Now going up to reduce these people, if possible by 
fair meanes, a Declaration to which purpose the Governour 
desiring me to bear him company [upon] the march, I got 
leave to carry to them, in the end of which the Governour 
did protest, as in the presence of Almighty God, that he came 
not in a hostile way to do them any hurt, but sought all meanes 
possible to reclaime them by faire means; and to my knowl- 
edge at the sending out of Parties (as occasion served) he 
gave strict command, that if they met any of the Anne-Arun- 
dell men they should not fire the first Gun, nor upon paine of 
death plunder any: these were his actings to my knowledge 
upon the march; but comming neerer to them, there was a 
Ship a Merchant man called the Golden Lion, one Hemans 
Commander, and as appeares hired by them, having since 
received his reward of them, who seeing the Governour land 
his men under the command of his ship, shot at them as they 
landed over night, and the next morning, continuing his course 
(as I am credibly informed) kild one of the Governours men, 
and so began the war which after fell out, for the Anne-Amndell 
men comming suddenly upon them on the one side, and the 
Golden Lyon being on the other side, they being in a neck of 
Land invironed round with water, except one little place by 
which the Anne- Arundel men came in upon them, where after 
a skirmish the Governour upon quarter given him and all his 
company in the field, yielded to be taken Prisoners. But 
two or three dayes after the Victors condemnd ten to death, 
and executed fowre, and had executed all had not the inces- 
sant Petitioning and begging of some good women sav'd some, 
and the souldiers others; the Governour himself e being con- 
demn'd by them and since begd by the Souldiers, some being 
sav'd just as they were leading out to execution, and since fall 
a sequestring their Estates, and taking away what they have 
as if they were meere Malignants, and had fought directly 
against your Highnesse, in which I cannot but speake my 
conscience knowing that at their first setting out the generall 



1655] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 265 

cry was that they went to reduce the Country and bring it 
under the obedience of your Highnesse and the Lord Proprie- 
tary, as also the Governour who protested to mee before he 
went out, that had he not been very credibly informed that 
your Highnesse had not taken away the Lord Baltemores 
Patent, nor his Land as the Anne- Arundel men pretended, he 
would not stirre in the business. My Lord, the reason why I 
take upon mee to give your Highnesse an account of this 
action is nothing but out of my duty to your Highnesse to give 
a true and impartiall account of the proceedings heere, in 
regard they still keepe the Governour and most of the Councell 
Prisoners, as also all the chiefe Officers till all the shipping is 
already gone out of the Country except one, and till that is 
gone I heare for certain none of them shall be releast, by which 
meanes, they are not onely debard from comming for England 
(as some desired to answer for what they had done before your 
Highnesse, and were denied it) but are likewise hindered from 
writing their grievances, as not being suffered to write to their 
own Wives, but their Letters are broke open, so that I cannot 
but thinke my selfe bound in conscience to declare the truth, 
as also to remaine so long as I possesse a being in this world, 
My Lord 

Your Highnesse most obedient and ever 
Loyall Subject 

Maryland this 13. of Aprill, 1655. L ' Barber - 

For the Right Honourable the Lord Baltemore, these present. 
Right Honourable : 

I am sorry at present for to let your Honour understand 
of our sad condition in your Province. So it is, that my Hus- 
band, with the rest of your Councell went about a month agone 
with a party of men up to Anne-Arundell County, to bring 
those factious people to obedience under your Government. 
My Husband sent Dr. Barber with one Mr. Coursey with a 
Message to them, but they never returned againe before the 
fight began. Also he sent one Mr Packer the day after, with 
a Message, and he likewise never returned, as I heard: but so 
it is, that upon Sunday the 25. of March they did ingage with 
the people of Anne-Arundell, and lost the field, and not above 



266 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

five of our men escaped; which I did conceive ranne away 
before the fight was ended; the rest all taken, some killed and 
wounded; my Husband hath received a wound in his shoulder, 
but I heare it is upon the mending. My Husband, I am con- 
fident, did not thinke that they would have engaged, but it 
did proove too true to all our great damages; They as I heare, 
being better provided then my Husband did expect ; for they 
hired the Captain of the Golden Lion, a great ship of burden, 
the Captains name is Roger Hemans a yong man, and his 
Brother, who have beene great sticklers in the businesse, as I 
hear. Captaine Heman was one of their Councell of War, 
and by his consent would have had all the Prisoners hanged; 
but after Quarter given, they tried all your Councellors by a 
Councell of Warre, and Sentence was passed upon my Hus- 
band to be shot to death, but was after saved by the Enemies 
owne Souldiers, and so the rest of the Councellors were saved 
by the Petitions of the Women, with some other friends which 

I they found there; onely Master William Eltonhead was shot 
to death, whose death I much lament, being shot in cold bloud; 

I and also Lieutenant William Lewis, with one Mr Leggat and a 
Germane, which did live with Mr. Eltonhead, which by all 

\Relations that ever I did heare of, the like barbarous act was 
never done amongst Christians. They have Sequestred my 
Husbands Estate, only they say they will allow a maintenance 
for me and my Children, which I doe beleeve will bee but small. 
They keep my Husband, with the rest of the Councell, and all 
other Officers, still Prisoners; I am very suddenly, God will- 
ing, bound up to see my Husband. They will not so much 

'■as suffer him to write a Letter unto mee, but they will have 

] the perusall of what hee writes. Captaine Tylman and his 
Mate Master Cook are very honest men, and doe stand up 
much for your Honour; they will informe you of more pas- 
sages then I can remember at the present; and I hope my 
Brother will be downe before Captain Tylman goes away, and 
will write to you more at large; for he is bound up this day 
for to see his Brother, if they doe not detain him there as well 
as the rest; the occasion I conceive of their detainment there 
is, because they should not goe home, to informe your Honour 
of the truth of the businesse before they make their owne tale 
in England, which let them doe their worst, which I do not 



1655] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 267 

question but you will vindicate my Husbands honour which 
hath ventured Life and Estate to keep your due heere, which 
by force he hath lost. And they give out words, that they 
have won the Country by the sword, and by it they will keepe 
the same, let my Lord Protector send in what Writing hee 
pleaseth. The Gunners Mate of Hemans, since his comming 
down from Anne-Arundell to Patuxent, hath boasted that he 
shot the first man that was shot of our Party. All this I write 
is very true, which I thought goode to informe your LordshipJ 
because they will not suffer my Husband for to write himselfe* 
I hope your Honour will be pleased for to looke upon my 
Sonne, and for to wish him for to be of good comfort, and not 
for to take our afflictions to heart. And nothing else at pres- 
ent, I rest 

Your Honours most 

humble Servant 

Virlinda Stone. 
Post-script. 

I hope your Honour will favour me so much, that if my 
Sonne wants twenty or thirty pounds you will let him have it, 
and it shall be payd your Honour againe. 

Hemans the Master of the Golden Lion is a very Knave, 
and that will be made plainly for to appeare to your Lordship 
for he hath abused my Husband most grosly. 

A True Copy of the Oath of Fidelity to the Lord Proprietary of 
the Province of Maryland. 1 

I A. B. Doe sweare that I will be true and faithfull (so long as 
I shall be a member of this Province) to the Right Hon. Csecilius, 
Lord Baron of Baltemore, Lord and Proprietary of this Province of 
Maryland, and the Islands therunto belonging, and to his Heyres 
Lords and Proprietaries of the same, and to his Lieutenant or Chiefe 
Governour heer for the time being: And will not at any time by 
words or actions in publique or in private, wittingly or willingly, to 
the best of my understanding, any way derogate from, but will at all 
times, as occasion shall require, to the utmost of my power, defend 

1 This form of oath differs in some particulars from that prescribed in 1648, 
printed in Archives of Maryland, I. 196, and at p. 214, supra, with which it is to 
be compared. The changes are apparently due to the changed political condi- 
tions in England. 



268 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

and maintain all such his sayd Lordships and his Heyres just and 
lawfull Right, Title, Interest, Privileges, Jurisdictions, Prerogative, 
Propriety and Dominion, over and in the sayd Province and Islands 
thereunto belonging, and over the people who are or shall be therein 
for the time being, as are granted to his sayd Lordship and his Heyres 
by the late King of England in his sayd Lordships Patent of the sayd 
Province under the Great Seale of England, not any wise understood / 
to infringe or prejudice Liberty of Conscience, in point of Religion; 
And I doe also sweare that I will with all expedition discover to his 
Lordship or to his Lieutenant or other Chiefe Governour of the sayd 
Province for the time being, and also use my best endeavour to pre- 
vent any Plot, Conspiracy, or Combination, which I shall know, or 
have just cause to suspect, is or shall be intended against the person of 
his sayd Lordship, or which shall tend any way to the disinherison or 
deprivation of his sayd Lordship or his Heyres their Right, Title, 
Jurisdiction, and Dominion aforesayd, or any part thereof; And I 
doe swear that I will not either by myself or by any other person or 
persons, directly or indirectly take, accept, receive, purchase or pos- 
sesse any Lands, Tenements, or Hereditaments within the sayd Prov- 
ince of Maryland, or the Islands thereunto belonging from any Ind- 
ian or Indians to any other use or uses but to the use of his sayd 
Lordship, and his Heires Lords and Proprietaries of this Province, 
or knowingly from any other person or persons not deriving a legall 
Title thereunto, by, from, or under some grant from his said Lord- 
ship or his Heires Lords and Proprietaries of this Province, legally 
passed or to be passed under his or their great Seale of the said Prov- 
ince for the time being. 
So help me God, etc. 

This Oath was appointed by my Lord to bee taken by 
everyone who had any Land granted to him in .Maryland 
from his Lordship before any Patent thereof should passe 
the Seale to him; and it was also appointed to be taken by a 
Law made in Maryland in An. 1649, with the consent of the 
Protestants as wel as the Roman Catholiks there, by every in- 
habitant above the age of sixteene yeeres, upon paine of Ban- 
ishment in case of refusal, and of fine in case of return and a 
second refusall; but it was never yet imposed upon any, nor 
any ever yet banished or fined for refusall of it, onely they 
could have no land granted them from his Lordship, unlesse 
they tooke it; nor was there any other Oath appointed to bee 
taken upon any penalty whatsoever. But there was another 



1649] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 269 

Oath appointed for the Governour and Councell onely in Mary- 
land to take, which have these clauses among others in them 
(viz.) That they shall not accept or execute any Place, Office, 
or Imployment in Maryland relating to the Government thereof 
from any Person or Authority but from the Lord Baltemore 
or his Heires: and another Clause (viz.) that they shall not 
directly or indirectly, trouble, molest, or discountenance, any 
person whatsoever in the said Province, professing to believe 
in Jesus Christ, and in particular no Roman Catholick, for or 
in respect of his or her Religion, nor in his or her free exercise 
thereof within the said Province. But this Oath was never 
imposed upon any body, nor any penalty appointed for the 
refusall thereof; for it was free for any man, if he did not like 
the Oath not to accept of the place of Governour, or one of 
the Councel there; and this last mentioned Oath of the Gov- 
ernour and Councel was appointed in the life time of the late 
King. The Lord Baltemore conceiving it lawfull and justi- 
fiable by his Patent to require such an Oath from such as hee 
should employ in Offices of so great trust in so remote a place; 
for although by his Patent the sovereign Dominion of that 
Province bee reserved to the late King, his Heirs, and Succes- 
sors, yet the immediate and subordinate authority of the Gov- 
ernment thereof is granted to his Lordship and his Heyres, so 
as no man ought to act therein but by authority derived from 
him. And hee appointed this Oath to be taken by the afore- 
sayd Officers when he made Capt. Stone Governour and Mr. 
Tho. Hatton Secretary, and others of his Councell there who 
being of different Judgement in Religion from himself e, his 
Lordship thought it but reasonable and fit that as he did 
oblige them by Oath not to disturbe any there who professed 
to beleeve in Jesus Christ, so to expresse the Roman Catho- 
lickes in particular, who were of his own judgement in matter 
of Religion. 

A true Copy of a Law made in Maryland entituled, An Act 
concerning Religion. 

Forasmuch as in a well Governed and Christian Common- 
wealth, matters concerning Religion and the Honour of God 
ought in the first place to bee taken into serious consideration 



270 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARLYAND [1649 

and indevoured to be setled. Bee it therefore ordayned and 
Enacted by the Right Honourable Csecilius Lord Baron of 
Baltemore, 1 absolute Lord and Proprietary of this Province, 
with the Advice and Consent of the Upper and Lower House 2 
f of this Generall Assembly, that whatsoever Person or Per- 
sons within this Province and the Islands thereunto belong- 
ing, shall from henceforth Blaspheame GOD, that is curse 
him, or shall deny our Saviour JESUS CHRIST to bee the 
Son of God, or shall deny the Holy Trinity, the Father, Son, 
.and Holy Ghost, or the Godhead of any of the sayd Three 
Persons of the Trinity, or the Unity of the Godhead, or shall 
use or utter any reproachfull speeches, words, or language, 
concerning the Holy Trinity, or any of the sayd three Per- 
sons thereof, shal be punished with death, and confiscation 
lor forfeiture of all his or her Land and Goods to the Lord 
Proprietary and his Heires. And bee it also Enacted by the 
Authority and with the advice and assent aforesaid, That 
whatsoever Person or Persons shall from henceforth use or 
utter any reproachfull words or speeches concerning the blessed 
Virgin Mary, the Mother of our Saviour, or the holy Apostles 
or Evangelists, or any of them, shall in such case for the first 
Offence forfeit to the sayd Lord Proprietary and his heires 
Lords and Proprietaries of this Province, the sum of 5 I. ster- 
ling, or the value thereof, to bee levied on the goods and 
chattells of every such person so offending; but in case such 
offender or offenders shall not then have goods and chattels 
sufficient for the satisfying of such forfeiture, or that the same 
be not otherwise speedily satisfied, that then such offender or 
offenders shall be publikely whipt, and bee imprisoned during 
the pleasure of the Lord Proprietary, or the Lieutenant or 
Chief e Governour of this Province for the time being; and that 
every such offender and offenders for every second offence shall 
forfeit 10 I. sterling or the value thereof to be levied as afore- 

1 "This title is given his Lordship in his Patent of Maryland." (Marginal 
note in the original pamphlet.) The reference is to the words "absolute Lord." 
The title Baron of Baltimore was conferred on his father by James I. 

2 These words, " of the Upper and Lower House," are interlined in the en- 
grossed copy of the act. They are not in the record, Archives of Maryland, 
I. 244. The assembly was divided into two houses in April, 1650 {ibid., 272), 
subsequent to the passage of the act, but prior to its approval by the Lord 
Proprietary. 



1649] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 271 

sayd, or in case such offender or offenders shall not then have 
goods and chattels within this Province sufficient for that 
purpose, then to be publikely and severely whipt and im- 
prisoned as before is expressed. And that every person or 
persons before mentioned, offending heerin the third time, 
shall for such third offence, forfeit all his lands and goods and 
be forever banisht and expelled out of this Province. And be 
it also further Enacted by the same authority, advice and 
assent, that whatsoever person or persons shall from hence- 
forth upon any occasion of offence or otherwise in a reproach- 
full maner or way, declare, call or denominate, any person or 
persons whatsoever, inhabiting, residing, trafficking, trading, 
or commercing, within this Province, or within any the Ports, 
Harbors, Creeks or Havens to the same belonging, an Here- 
tick, Schismatick, Idolater, Puritan, Presbyterian, Independent, 
Popish Priest, Jesuit, Jesuited Papist, Lutheran, Calvinist, 
Anabaptist, Brownist, Antinomian, Barrowist, Roundhead, 
Separatist, or other name or terme in a reproachfull maner 
relating to matter of Religion, shall for every such offence 
forfet and lose the sum of 10 s. sterling, or the value therof 
to be levied on the goods and Chattels of every such offender 
and offenders, the one halfe thereof to be forfeted and payd 
unto the person and persons of whom such reproachfull 
words are or shall bee spoken or uttered, and the other 
halfe thereof to the Lord Proprietary and his Heirs, Lords 
and Proprietaries of this Province ; But if such person or per- 
sons who shall at any time utter or speak any such reproach- 
full words or language, shall not have goods or chattells suffi- 
cient and overt within this Province to bee taken to satisfie 
the penalty aforesayd, or that the same bee not otherwise 
speedily satisfied, that then the person and persons so offend- 
ing shal be publikely whipt, and shall suffer imprisonment 
without Bayle or Mainprise until he, she, or they, respectively 
shall satisfie the party offended or grieved by such reproach- 
full language by asking him or her respectively forgivenes 
publikely for such his offence before the Magistrate or Chiefe 
Officer or Officers of the Towne or Place where such offence 
shall bee given. And be it further likewise Enacted by the 
Authority and consent aforesayd, that every person and per- 
sons within this Province, that shall at any time heereafter 



272 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1649 

prophane the Sabaoth or Lords day called Sunday, by fre- 
quent swearing, drunkennesse, or by any uncivill or disorderly 
Recreation, or by working on that day, when absolute necessity 
doth not require, shall for every such first offence forfet 2s. 6cL 
sterling or the value thereof; and for the second offence 5s. 
sterling or the value thereof; and for the third offence and for 
every time he shall offend in like manner afterwards 10s. ster- 
ling or the value thereof; and in case such offender or offenders 
shall not have sufficient goods or chattells within this Prov- 
ince to satisfie any of the aforesayd penalties respectively 
heereby imposed for prophaning the Sabaoth or Lords day 
called Sunday as aforesaid, then in every such Case the party 
so offending shall for the first and second offence in that kind 
be imprisoned till hee or she shall publikely in open Court before 
the cheif Commander, Judge, or Magistrate of that County, 
Towne, or Precinct wherein such offence shall be committed, 
acknowledge the scandall and offence hee hath in that respect 
given, against God, and the good and civill Government of 
this Province: And for the third offence and for every time 
after shall also be publikely whipt. 'And wheras the inforc- 
ing of the Conscience in matter of Religion hath frequently 
fallen out to bee of dangerous Consequence in those Common- 
wealths where it hath beene practised, and for the more quiet 
and peaceable Government of this Province, and the better 
to preserve mutuall love and unity 1 amongst the Inhabitants 
here, Bee it therefore also by the Lord Proprietary with the 
advice and assent of this Assembly, Ordained and Enacted, 
except as in this present Act is before declared and set forth, 
that no person or persons whatsoever within this Province or 
the Islands, Ports, Harbors, Creeks, or Havens thereunto be- 
longing, professing to beleeve in Jesus Christ shall from hence- 
forth be any waies troubled, molested or discountenanced, for 
or in respect of his or her Religion, nor in the free Exercise 
thereof within this Province or the Islands thereunto belong- 
ing, nor any way compelled to the beleefe or exercise of any 
other Religion against his or her consent, so as they be not 
unfaithful to the Lord Proprietary, or molest or conspire against 
the civill Government, established or to be established in this 

1 "Amyty" in the original act (engrossed copy). See Archives of Maryland, 
I. 246. There are a few other verbal differences which do not affect the sense. 



1649] REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 273 

Province under him and his Heyres. - And that all and every 
person and persons that shall presume contrary to this Act 
and the true intent and meaning thereof, directly or indirectly, 
eyther in person or estate, wilfully to wrong, disturbe, or 
trouble, or molest any person or persons whatsoever within 
this Province professing to beleeve in Jesus Christ, for or in 
respect of his or her Religion, or the free Exercise therof 
within this Province, otherwise then is provided for in this Act, 
That such person or persons so offending shall be compelled 
to pay treble damages to the party so wronged or molested, 
and for every such offence shall also forfet 20 s. sterling in 
Money or the value thereof, half thereof for the use of the 
Lord Proprietary and his Heires Lords and Proprietaries of 
this Province, and the other halfe thereof for the use of the 
partie so wronged or molested as aforesayd; or if the party so 
offending as aforesayd, shall refuse or bee unable to recompence 
the party so wronged or to satisfie such fine or forfeiture, then 
such offender shall be severely punished by publike whipping 
and imprisonment during the pleasure of the Lord Proprietary 
or his Lieutenant or chiefe Governour of this Province for the 
time being, without Bayle or Mainprise. And be it further 
also Enacted by the authority and consent aforesayd, that the 
Sheriffe or other Officer or Officers from time to time to be 
appointed and authorised for that purpose of the County, 
Town, or Precinct where every particular offence in this pres- 
ent Act contained, shall happen at any time to be committed, 
and whereupon there is heerby a forfeiture, fine, or penalty 
imposed, shall from time to time distrain, and seise the goods 
and estate of every such person so offending as aforesayd, 
against this present Act or any part therof, and sell the same 
or any part therof, for the full satisfaction of such forfeiture, 
fine, or penalty as aforesayd, restoring to the Party so offend- 
ing, the Remainder or overplus of the sayd goods, or estate, 
after such satisfaction so made as aforesayd. 

This act was passed by a Generall Assembly in Maryland 
in April 1649, and assented unto by the Lord Baltemore in 
1650, and the intent of it being to prevent any disgusts be- 
tween those of different judgements in Religion there, it was 
thought necessary to insert that clause in it concerning the 



274 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1650 

Virgin Mary, of whom some, otherwise might perhaps speake 
reproachfully, to the offence of others. And in the time of the 
Long Parliament when the differences between the Lord Balte- 
more and Colonell Samuel Matthews, as Agent for the Colony 
of Virginia were depending before a Committee of that Parlia- 
ment for the Navy, that Clause in the sayd Law concerning 
the Virgin Mary was at that Committee objected as an excep- 
tion against his Lordship, wherupon a worthy Member of the 
sayd Committee stood up and sayd, that he wondered that 
any such exception should be taken against his Lordship ; for 
(sayes hee) doth not the Scripture 1 say, that all Generations 
shall call her blessed? and the Committee insisted no more on 
that exception. 

The Declaration and Certificate of William Stone Esquire, 
Lieutenant of the Province of Maryland, by Commission 
from the Right Honourable the Lord Baltemore, Lord Pro- 
prietary thereof, and of Captaine John Price, Mr. Thomas 
Hatton, and Captain Robert Vaughan of his sayd Lord- 
ships Councell there, and of divers of the Burgesses now 
met in an Assembly there, and other Protestant Inhabitants 
of the sayd Province, made the 17. day of April, Anno Dom. 
one thousand six hundred and fifty. t , 7 , 

We the said Lieutenant, Councell, Burgesses, and other 
Protestant Inhabitants above mentioned, whose names are 
heerunto subscribed, doe declare and certifie to all persons 
whom it may concerne, That according to an Act of Assembly 
heer, and severall other strict Injunctions and Declarations 
by his sayd Lordship for that purpose made and provided, 
wee doe heere enjoy all fitting and convenient freedome and 
liberty in the exercise of our Religion under his sayd Lord- 
ships Government and Interest; And that none of us are any 
wayes troubled or molested, for or by reason thereof within 
this his Lordships sayd Province. 

William Stone Governour 
Jo. Price \ 

Robert Vaughan | Councell 
Tho. Hatton J 

1 "Lu. i. 48." (Marginal note in the original pamphlet.) 



1650] 



REFUTATION OF BABYLON'S FALL 



275 



James Cox 
Tho. Steerman 
John Hatche 
George Pucldington 



Burgesses. 
I 

IBM 



Robert Robines 
Walter Bain 
William Brough 
Francis Poesy 

*William Durand ■ 
Anthony Rawlins 
Thomas Maydwell 
Marke Blomefield 
Thomas Bushell 
William Hungerford 
William Stumpson 
Thomas Dinyard 
John Grinsdith 
William Edwin 
Richard Browne 
Stanhop Roberts 
William Browne 
John Halfehead 
William Hardwich 
Elias Beech 
Raph Beane 3 A " 
John Slingsby 
James Morphen 
Francis Martin 
John Walker 
William Hawley 
William Smoot 
John Sturman 
John Nichols 



/ 



Note that 
James Cox and 
George Puddington 
were then Burgesses 

for the people at Anne- 
Arundell 



*Note that this is 
the same man who 
attests Mr. Strongs 
pamphlet before 
mentioned. 

George Sawyer 
William Edis 
John Gage 
Robert Ward 
William Marshall 
Richard Smith 
Arthur Turner 
William Pell 
William Warren 
Edward Williams 
Hugh Crage 
George Whitacre 
Daniel Clocker 
John Perin 
Patrick Forrest 
George Beckwith 
Thomas Warr 
Walter Waterling 



LEAH AND RACHEL, OR, THE TWO FRUITFULL 
SISTERS VIRGINIA AND MARY-LAND, BY 
JOHN HAMMOND, 1656 



INTRODUCTION 

John Hammond, the author of this pamphlet, which was 
published in London in 1656, represents himself as having 
been twenty-one years in the American plantations, resident 
for nineteen years in Virginia, and for the last two years in 
Maryland, whence he escaped after sentence of death had been 
passed upon him for the part he took in support of Governor 
Stone and the Lord Proprietary. 

The first portion, which relates to Leah "the elder sister," 
as he calls Virginia, has much of the character of a prospectus 
put forth by a promotor of emigration. He paints in glow- 
ing colors the charm of life in the New World as contrasted with 
the struggling and painful existence which many were com- 
pelled to lead in the crowded cities of the Old, and gives, 
moreover, very practical advice to those proposing to migrate, 
either as independent adventurers or as servants, laborers, 
etc., whose only means of paying their passage over would 
be by binding themselves to work it out in service during a 
prescribed term. 

The misrule which is described as prevailing during the 
earlier years of the Virginia colony is what led to the annul- 
ment of the charter of the old Virginia Company. 

In the portion of the pamphlet devoted to Rachel, or 
Maryland, the latter is described as the younger sister, of 
whose beauty the writer became enamored as the patriarch 
Jacob was of his younger wife. The greater part of the 
account of Maryland is, however, given to the battle of the 
Severn and the events which preceded it, 1 and is written with 

1 For other accounts, see the three documents or narratives next preceding. 

279 



280 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

the partisan zeal which might not unreasonably be expected 
from one who, as told in the postscript, had been condemned 
to death by the one party to the contest as a punishment for 
his loyalty to the other side. 

The protestation of the author that he wrote this pam- 
phlet without reward may perhaps be regarded with doubt, un- 
less it be assumed that, having been condemned to death once, 
he deemed that he was under obligations to those through 
whose agency he had escaped execution, and whose protection 
or assistance he might yet need. 

The following text is taken from a copy of the original 
edition, now very rare, in the Harvard College Library. The 
pamphlet was reprinted in 1844, by Peter Force, Historical 

Tracts, vol. III., no. 14. 

C. C. H. 



LEAH AND RACHEL, OR, THE TWO FRUITFULL 
SISTERS VIRGINIA AND MARY-LAND, BY 
JOHN HAMMOND, 1656 

Leah and Rachel, or, the Two Fruitfull Sisters Virginia and 
Mary-land: Their Present Condition, Impartially stated 
and related. 

With A Removall of such Imputations as are scandalously cast 
on those Countries, whereby many deceived Souls, chose 
rather to Beg, Steal, rot in Prison, and come to shamefull 
deaths, then to better their being by going thither, wherein is 
plenty of all things necessary for Humane subsistance. 

By John Hammond. 

Eccles. 22. v. 8. If children live honestly and have wherewith, 
they shall put away the shame of their Parents. 

London, Printed By T. Mabb, and are to be sold by Nich. Bourn, 
neer the Royall Exchange, 1656. 1 

TO 

His Honoured and Worthy Friends the Worshipfull William 
Stone Esquire, Governour and Leiut. General of the Prov- 
ince of Mary-land, and Mr. James Williamson of Rapa- 
hanock in Virginia Gentlemen. 

Gentlemen, 

As yee both are Eminent in your Places, and are as well 
beloved where ye live, and that your loves to each other are 
such, as I wish the Union between Virginia and Mary-land to 
be, my Subject being concerning both places: I know none 
more fit then your selves to Dedicate it to, (not so much for 
your kindnesses, which I have often tasted of) as that the 
truth hereof under your Patronage may obtain belief and 

1 From the title-page of the original. 
281 



282 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1656 

credit: I crave your Pardons, for intruding this unknown to 
you, and using your names to so mean a piece; I have certi- 
fied you wherefore I did it; to which I add, that I am desir- 
ous the whole country may note your affections to each 
other; And that I dare in England own and Entitle him my 
Governour, that in Mary-land I fled for submitting to. I 
shall no further enlarg here more, then to let you know, that 
I am to those Countries and Your selves, an 

Humble Servant, and Well-wisher 
whilest I am 

Jo. Hammond. 

TO 

Those two worthy Commanders and Marriners, Capt. John 
Whittle, Commander of the good Ship, the Freeman, now 
bound for Virginia; And Capt. Sam. Tilghman, Commander 
of the Golden Fortune, now bound for the Province of 
Mary-Land. 

Sirs, 

As I have made choice of two Honourable Gentlemen, the 
one belonging to Virginia, the other to Mary-land; So I 
thought it not impertinent equally with them to Dedicate 
this to you two living in England, and using the Trade of 
Virginia and Mary-land, that your selves may judge and 
testifie, who well know the Country, that I have not added 
to their worths, but rather been sparing of what is justly their 
dues: For it is a received errour amongst the many slanders 
cast on these places, that we are sworn neither to Speak nor 
Write but glossingly of them; If we are so sworn, they cannot 
believe yee are; and therefore will credite your Affirmations. 
Both places speak worthily of you, both for affable usage of 
your Passengers, and noble deportments towards the inhabi- 
tants in those Countries; and so are yee both noted, that I 
wish yee were as well known to all strangers desirous to ship 
themselves thither, as to us that have lived there: They then 
would as much covet to be your Passengers, as we that by 
experience have felt and known your goodnesse ; many other 
Gentlemen of good repute uses the Trade: but this I dare 
affirm, that though they may be had in equall esteem, yet 



1656] LEAH AND RACHEL 283 

men more generally beloved and applauded I have not known, 
using that Course than your selves: You know I flatter not; 
therefore I crave no excuse, unlesse for my presumption in 
this attempt; but seeing unknown to your selves, I have 
published your names here in Print, pray call me not to ac- 
count for it: This Book I confess is not worthy of it, nor I of 
your angers; but how ever ye see it is past, and liter a scripta 
manet; 1 yee must either buy up and burn all, or ye will be 
found here, and I hope not blemisht in it, nor in owning the 
truth of, 

Your reall Servant, 

John Hammond. 

Leah and Rachell, or the two fruitfull Sisters of Virginia and 
Mary-land; their present condition impartially stated and 
related. 

It is the glory of every Nation to enlarge themselves, to 
encourage their own forraign attempts, and to be able to have 
of their own, within their own territories, as many several 
commodities as they can attain to, that so others may rather 
be beholding to them, then they to others; and to this pur- 
pose have Encouragements, Priviledges and Emunities been 
given to any Discoveries or Adventurers into remote Colonies, 
by all politique Common Wealths in the world. 

But alas, we Englishmen (in all things else famous, and to 
other Countries terrible) do not onely faile in this, but vilifie, 
scandalize and cry down such parts of the unknown world, 
as have been found out, setled and made flourishing, by the 
charge, hazzard and diligence of their own brethren, as if 
because removed from us, we either account them people of 
another world or enemies. 

This is too truly made good in the odiums and cruell 
slanders cast on those two famous Countries of Virginia and 
Mary-land, whereby those Countries, not onely are many 
times at a stand, but are in danger to moulder away, and 
come in time to nothing; nor is there any thing but the fer- 
tility and natural gratefulnesse of them, left a remedy to 
prevent it. 

1 The written word abides. 



284 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1656 

To let our own Nation (whose common good I covet, and 
whose Common-wealths servant I am, as born to no other use) 
be made sensible of these injuries: I have undertaken in this 
Book to give the true state of those places, according to the 
condition they are now in; and to declare either to distressed 
or discontented, that they need not doubt because of any 
rumour detracting from their goodnesses, to remove and cast 
themselves and Fortunes upon those Countries, in which if 
I should deviate from the truth, I have at this present carping 
enemies in London enough, to contradict and cry down me and 
this, for Impostours. It is not long since I came from thence 
(God knows sore against my will) having lived there upward 
of one and twenty years; nor do I intend (by Gods assistance) 
to be long out of it again: and therefore can by experience, 
not hearsay (as Bullock 1 and other lying Writters have done, 
who at randome or for their own private lucre have rendred 
their Books rediculous and themselves infamous lyars, nor will 
I like them, over extoll the places, as if they were rather Para- 
dices than earthly habitations; but truly let ye know, what 
they are, and how the people there live.) Which when im- 
partially viewed, will undoubtedly clear up those Foggy Mists, 
that hath to their own mine blinded and kept off many from 
going thither, whose miseries and misfortunes by staying in 
England are much to be lamented, and much to be pittied. 

In respect these two Sister Countries (though distinct 
Governments) are much of one nature, both for produce and 
manner of living; I shall only at present, Treat of the elder 
Sister Virginia, and in speaking of that include both: And 
ere I leave off, shall in particular rehearse the unnaturall 
usuage Maryland the younger Sister, hath had, not by Vir- 
ginia; but by those Vipers she hath received and harboured 
with much kindnesse and hospitalitie. 

The Country is reported to be an unhealthy place, a nest 
of Rogues, whores, desolute and rooking 2 persons; a place of 
intolerable labour, bad usage and hard Diet, etc. 

To Answer these several calumnies, I shall first shew what 
it was? next, what it is? 

1 Virginia Impartially Examined, by William Bullock, Gent. (London, 1649), 
a pamphlet in which the government of Virginia is denounced, and its condition 
described as wretched. 2 Cheating. 



1607-1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 285 

At the first settling and many years after, it deserved 
most of those aspersions (nor were they then aspersions but 
truths) it was not settled at the publique charge; but when 
found out, challenged, and maintained by Adventurers, whose 
avarice and inhumanity, brought in these inconveniences, 
which to this day brands Virginia, 

Then were Jayls emptied, youth seduced, infamous women 
drilled in, the provisions all brought out of England, and 
that embezzlled by the Trustees (for they durst neither hunt, 
fowl, nor Fish, for fear of the Indian, which they stood in aw 
of), their labour was almost perpetuall, their allowance of 
victual small, few or no cattle, no use of horses nor oxen to 
draw or carry, (which labours men supplyed themselves) all 
which caused a mortality; no civil courts of justice but under 
a Marshall law, no redresse of grievances, complaints were 
repaied with stripes, moneys with scoffes, tortures made de- 
lights, and in a word all and the worst that tyrany could in- 
flict or act, which when complained of in England, (but so 
were they kept under that it was long ere they would suffer 
complaints to come home); the bondage was taken of, the 
people set free, and had lands a signed to each of them to live 
of themselves, and enjoy the benefit of their own industry; 
men then began to call what they laboured for their own, they 
fell to making themselves convenient housing to dwell in, to 
plant corne for their food, to range the wood for flesh, the 
rivers for fowle and fish, to finde out somwhat staple for supplie 
of cloathing, to continue a commerce, to purchase and breed 
cattle, etc. but the bud of this growing happinesse was again 
nipt by a cruell Massacre committed by the Natives, 1 which 
again pulPd them back and kept them under, enforcing them 
to get into Forts (such as the infancy of those times afforded) : 
they were taken off from planting; their provisions destroyed, 
their Cattle, Hogs, Horses, etc. kill'd up, and brought to such 
want and penury, that diseases grew rife, mortality exceeded; 
but receiving a supply of men, amunition and victuals out of 
England, they again gathered heart, pursued their enemies, 
and so often worsted them, that the Indians were glad to sue 
for peace, and they desirous of a cessation, consented to it. 

They again began to bud forth, to spread further, to gather 

1 Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 357. 



286 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1607-1655 

wealth, which they rather profusely spent (as gotten with 
ease) then providently husbanded, or aimed at any publique 
good; or to make a Country for posterity; but from hand to 
mouth, and for a present being; neglecting discoveries, plant- 
ing of Orchards, providing for the Winter preservation of their 
stocks, or thinking of any thing staple or firm; and whilest 
Tobacco, the onely Commodity they had to subsist on, bore a 
price, they wholy and eagerly followed that, neglecting their 
very planting of Corn, and much relyed on England for the 
chief est part of their provisions; so that being not alwayes 
amply supplied, they were often in such want, that their case 
and condition being related in England, it hindred and kept 
off many from going thither, who rather cast their eyes on the 
Barren and freezing soyle of New England, than to joyn with 
such an indigent and sottish people, as were reported to be in 
Virginia. 

Yet was not Virginia all this while without divers honest 
and vertuous inhabitants, who observing the general neglect 
and licensiousnesses there, caused Assemblies to be calPd 
and Laws to be made tending to the glory of God, the severe 
suppression of vices, and the compelling them not to neglect 
(upon strickt punishments) planting and tending such quan- 
tities of Corn, as would not onely serve themselves, their 
Cattel and Hogs plentifully, but to be enabled to supply 
New England (then in want) with such proportions, as were 
extream reliefs, to them in their necessities. 

From this industry of theirs and great plenty of Corn, 
(the main staffe of life) proceeded that great plenty of Cattel 
and Hogs (now innumerable) and out of which not only New 
England hath been stocked and relieved, but all other parts 
of the Indies inhabited by Englishmen. 

The inhabitants now finding the benefit of their indus- 
tries, began to look with delight on their increasing stocks 
(as nothing more pleasurable then profit), to take pride in 
their plentifully furnished Tables, to grow not onely civil, 
but great observers of the Sabbath, to stand upon their repu- 
tations, and to be ashamed of that notorious manner of life 
they had formerly lived and wallowed in. 

They then began to provide and send home for Gospel 
Ministers, and largely contributed for their maintenance; 



1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 287 

But Virginia savouring not handsomely in England, very few 
of good conversation would adventure thither, (as thinking 
it a place wherein surely the fear of God was not), yet many 
came, such as wore Black Coats, and could babble in a Pulpet, 
roare in a Tavern, exact from their Parishoners, and rather 
by their dissolutenesse destroy than feed their Flocks. 

Loath was the Country to be wholly without Teachers, and 
therefore rather retain these then to be destitute; yet still 
endeavours for better in their places, which were obtained, 
and these Wolves in sheeps cloathing, by their Assemblies 
questioned, silenced, and some forced to depart the Country. 

Then began the Gospel to flourish, civil, honourable, and 
men of great estates flocked in: famous buildings went for- 
ward, Orchards innumerable were planted and preserved; 
Tradesmen set on work and encouraged, staple Commodities, 
as Silk, Flax, Pot-ashes, etc. of which I shall speak further 
hereafter, attempted on, and with good successe brought to 
perfection; so that this Country which had a mean beginning, 
many back friends, two ruinous and bloody Massacres, hath 
by Gods grace out-grown all, and is become a place of pleas- 
ure and plenty. 

And having briefly laid down the former state of Virginia, 
in its Infancy, and filth, and the occasion of its scandalous 
aspersions: I come to my main subject, its present Condition 
and Hapinesse (if any thing can be justly called happy in this 
transatory life otherwise then as blessings which in the well 
using whereof, a future happinesse may be expected.) 

I affirme the Country to be wholesome, healthy and fruit- 
full; and a modell on which industry may as much improve 
itself in, as in any habitable part of the World; yet not such 
a Lubberland as the Fiction of the land of Ease is reported to 
be, nor such a Utopian as Sr. Thomas Moore hath related to be 
found out. 

In the Countries minority, and before they had well cleared 
the ground to let in ayre (which now is otherwise) many im- 
puted the stifling of the wood to be the cause of such sick- 
nesse; but I rather think the contrary; for divers new Rivers 
lately settled, were at their first comming upon them as woody 
as James Rivers, the first place they setled in, and yet those 
Rivers are as healthy as any former setled place in Virginia or 



288 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

England it self: I believe (and that not without reason) it was 
only want of such diet as best agreed with our English natures, 
good drinks and wholesome lodgings were the cause of so 
much sicknesses, as were formerly frequent, which we have 
now amended; and therefore enjoy better healths; to which 
I add, and that by experience since my comming into Eng- 
land, (and many if not all Virginians can do the like,) that 
change of ayre does much alter the state of our bodies: by 
which many travellers thither may expect some sickness, yet 
little danger of mortality. 

A Geographicall description of the Country I shall not 
attempt (as having little skill in the Mathematicks) enough of 
that hath been formerly Written; nor is it a place now to 
learn to discover. I shall abhor to spirit 1 over any; but go 
along with such as are voluntarily desirous to go thither, and 
lead them with my blunt relation (for truth knows little of 
eloquence) aboard the Ships thither bound, and carrying you 
into the Country, shew you the courtesie of the place, the dis- 
position of the Inhabitants, the commodities, and give all 
sorts of people advice how and where to set down for their 
present benefit and future accommodation. 

If any are minded to repair thither, if they are not in a 
capacity to defray their own charges (if they are I wish they 
might and so be at their own disposing) let them not be se- 
duced by those mercinary spirits that know little of the place, 
nor aime at any good of theirs, but onely by foysting and 
flattering them to gain a reward of those they procure them 
for; beware them, for it is not only hab nab 2 whether ye go 
to a good service or a bad, but scandalous to your selves to be 
so seduced, and it were good and very just that such vaga- 
bond people were severely punished, as great betrayers of 
their own Nation, for ye cannot imagine but there are as well 
bad services as good; but I shall shew ye if any happen into 
the hands of such crooked dispositions, how to order them 
and ease your selves, when I come to treat of the justice of 
the Country, which many being ignorant of suffer inconven- 
iences, which by this they may prevent. 

1 Carry any over against their will; kidnappers were in the seventeenth cen- 
tury called "spirits." 

2 Haphazard. 



1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 289 

Let such as are so minded not rashly throw themselves 
upon the voyage, but observe the nature, and enquire the 
qualities of the persons with whom they ingage to transport 
themselves, or if (as not acquainted with such as inhabit 
there, but go with Merchants and Mariners, who transport 
them to others), let their covenant be such, that after their 
arrival they have a fortnights time assigned them to enquire 
of their Master, and make choyce of such as they intend to 
expire their time with, nor let that brand of selling of servants, 
be any discouragement to deter any from going, for if a time 
must be served, it is all one with whom it be served, provided 
they be people of honest repute, with which the Country is 
well replenished. 

And be sure to have your contract in writing and under 
hand and seal, for if ye go over upon promise made to do this 
or that, or to be free or your own men, it signifies nothing, 
for by a law of the Country (waving all promises) any one 
coming in, and not paying their own passages, must serve if 
men or women four years, if younger according to their years, 
but where an Indenture is, that is binding and observing. 

The usual allowance for servants is (besides their charge of 
passage defrayed) at their expiration, a years provision of 
corne, dubble apparrell, tooles necessary, and land accord- 
ing to the custome of the Country, which is an old delusion, 
for there is no land accustomary due to the servant, but to the 
Master, and therefore that servant is unwise that will not 
dash out that custom in his covenant, and make that due of 
land absolutely his own, which although at the present not of 
so great consequence, yet in few years will be of much worth, 
as I shall hereafter make manifest. 

When ye go aboard, expect the Ship somewhat troubled 
and in a hurliburly, untill ye cleer the lands end, and that the 
Ship is rummaged, and things put to rights, which many 
times discourages the Passengers, and makes them wish the 
Voyage unattempted: but this is but for a short season, 
and washes off when at Sea, where the time is pleasantly 
passed away, though not with such choise plenty as the shore 
affords. 

But when ye arrive and are settled, ye will find a strange 
alteration, an abused Country giving the lye in your own 



290 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

approbations to those that have calumniated it, and these 
infalable arguments may convince all incredible and obstinate 
opinions, concerning the goodnesse and delightfulnesse of the 
Country, that never any servants of late times have gone 
thither, but in their Letters to their Friends commend and 
approve of the place, and rather invite than disswade their 
acquaintance from comming thither. An other is this, that 
seldom (if ever) any that hath continued in Virginia any time, 
will or do desire to live in England, but post back with what 
expedition they can; although many are landed men in Eng- 
land, and have good Estates here, and divers wayes of pre- 
ferments propounded to them, to entice and perswade their 
continuance. 

The Country is as I said of a temperate nature, the dayes, 
in summer not so long as in England, in winter longer; it is 
somewhat hotter in June, July and August then here, but 
that heat sweetly allayed by a continual breaze of winde, 
which never failes to cool and refresh the labourer and travel- 
ler; the cold seldom approaches sencibly untill about Christ- 
mas, (although the last winter was hard and the worst I or 
any living there knew) and when winter comes, (which is 
such and no worse then is in England), it continues two 
monthes, seldom longer, often not so long and in that time 
although here seldom hard- weather keep men from labour, yet 
there no work is done all winter except dressing their own 
victuals and making of fires. 

The labour servants are put to, is not so hard nor of such 
continuance as Husbandmen, nor Handecraftmen are kept 
at in England, as I said little or nothing is done in winter 
time, none ever work before sun rising nor after sun set, in the 
summer they rest, sleep or exercise themselves five houres in the 
heat of the day, Saturdayes afternoon is alwayes their own, 
the old Holidayes are observed and the Sabboath spent in good 
exercises. 

The Women are not (as is reported) put into the ground 

io worke, but occupie such domestique imployments and 

. houswifery as in England, that is dressing victuals, righting 

'up the house, milking, imployed about dayries, washing, 

sowing, etc. and both men and women have times of recrea- 

\tions, as much or more than in any part of the world besides, 



1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 291 

yet som wenches that are nasty, beastly and not fit to be so 
imployed are put into the ground, for reason tells us, they 
must not at charge be transported and then mantained foil 
nothing, but those that prove so auk ward are rather burthen- 
some then servants desirable or usefull. 

The Country is fruitfull, apt for all and more then Eng- 
land can or does produce. The usuall diet is such as in Eng- 
land, for the rivers afford innumerable sortes of choyce fish, 
(if they will take the paines to make wyers or hier the Na- 
tives, who for a small matter will undertake it), winter and 
summer, and that in many places sufficient to serve the use of 
man, and to fatten hoggs. Water-fowle of all sortes are (with 
admiration to be spoken of) plentifull and easie to be killed, 
yet by many degrees more plentifull in some places then in 
othersome. Deare all over the Country, and in many places 
so many that venison is accounted a tiresom meat; wilde 
Turkeys are frequent, and so large that I have seen some 
weigh neer threescore pounds; other beasts there are whose 
flesh is wholsom and savourie, such are unknowne to us; and 
therefore I will not stuffe my book with superfluous relation 
of their names; huge Oysters and store 1 in all parts where the 
salt-water comes. 

The Country is exceedingly replenished with Neat cattle, 
Hoggs, Goats and Tame-fowle, but not many sheep; so that 
mutton is somwhat scarce, but that defect is supplied with 
store of Venison, other flesh and fowle. The Country is full 
of gallant Orchards, and the fruit generally more luscious 
and delightfull then here, witnesse the Peach and Quince, 
the latter may be eaten raw savourily, the former differs and 
as much exceeds ours as the best relished apple we have doth 
the crabb, and of both most excellent and comfortable drinks 
are made. Grapes in infinite manners grow wilde, so do Wal- 
nuts, Smalnuts, Chesnuts and abundance of excellent fruits, 
Plums and Berries, not growing or known in England; graine 
we have, both English and Indian for bread and Bear, and 
Pease besides English of ten several sorts, all exceeding ours 
in England; the gallant root of Potatoes are common, and so 
are all sorts of rootes, herbes and Garden stuffe. 

It must needs follow then that diet cannot be scarce, 

1 Huge oysters, and plenty of them. 



292 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

since both rivers and woods affords it, and that such plenty of 
Cattle and Hogs are every where, which yeeld beef, veal, milk, 
butter, cheese and other made dishes, porke, bacon, and pigs, 
and that as sweet and savoury meat as the world affords; 
these with the help of Orchards and Gardens, Oysters, Fish, 
Fowle and Venison, certainly cannot but be sufficient for a 
good diet and wholsom accommodation, considering how 
plentifully they are, and how easie with industry to be had. 

Beare is indeed in some place constantly drunken, in other 
some, nothing but Water or Milk and Water or Beverige; 1 
and that is where the goodwives (if I may so call them) are 
negligent and idle; for it is not for want of Corn to make Malt 
with (for the Country affords enough) but because they are 
sloathfull and carelesse : but I hope this Item will shame them 
out of those humours, that they will be adjudged by their 
drink, what kinde of Housewives they are. 

Those Servants that will be industrious may in their time 
of service gain a competent estate before their Freedomes, 
which is usually done by many, and they gaine esteeme and 
assistance that appear so industrious. There is no Master 
almost but will allow his Servant a parcell of clear ground to 
plant some Tobacco in for himself, which he may husband at 
those many idle times he hath allowed him and not prejudice, 
but rejoyce his Master to see it, which in time of Shipping he 
may lay out for commodities, and in Summer sell them again 
with advantage, and get a Sow-Pig or two, which any body 
almost will give him, and his Master suffer him to keep them 
with his own, which will be no charge to his Master, and with 
one years increase of them may purchase a Cow Calf or two, 
and by that time he is for himself, he may have Cattel, Hogs 
and Tobacco of his own, and come to live gallantly; but this 
must be gained (as I said) by Industry and affability, not by 
sloth nor churlish behaviour. 

And whereas it is rumoured that Servants have no lodg- 
ing other then on boards, or by the Fire side, it is contrary to 
reason to believe it : First, as we are Christians; next as people 
living under a law, which compels as well the Master as the 
Servant to perform his duty; nor can true labour be either 

1 A name then given to various refreshing drinks, e. g., grape juice, or cider 
and water. 



1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 293 

expected or exacted without sufficient cloathing, diet, and 
lodging; all which both their Indentures (which must invio- 
lably be observed) and the Justice of the Country requires. 

But if any go thither, not in a condition of a Servant, but 
pay his or her passage, which is some six pounds: Let them 
not doubt but it is money well layd out; yet however let them 
not fail, although they carry little else, to take a Bed along 
with them, and then few Houses but will give them enter- 
tainment, either out of curtesie, or on reasonable tearms; and 
I think it better for any that goes over free, and but in a mean 
condition, to hire himself for reasonable wages of Tobacco 
and Provision, the first year, provided he happen in an honest 
house, and where the Mistresse is noted for a good Housewife, 
of which there are very many (notwithstanding the cry to the 
contrary) for by that means he will live free of disbursment, 
have something to help him the next year, and be carefully 
looked to in his sicknesse (if he chance to fall sick) and let him 
so covenant that exceptions may be made, that he work not 
much in the hot weather, a course we alwayes take with our 
new hands (as they call them) the first year they come in. 

If they are women that go after this manner, that is paying . 
their own passages, I advise them to sojourn in a house of[ 
honest repute, for by their good carriage, they may advance 
themselves in marriage, by their ill, overthrow their fortunes! 
and although loose persons seldome live long unmarried if 
free, yet they match with as desolute as themselves, and never 
live handsomly or are ever respected. 

For any that come over free, and are minded to dyet and 
quarter in another mans house, it matters not whether they 
know on what term or conditions they are there; for by an 
excellent Decree, made by Sir William Berkly, when Gover- 
nour, (as indeed he was the Author of many good Laws:) It 
was ordered, that if any inhabitant received any stranger 
Merchant, or border into their houses, and did not condition in 
Writing with him or them so entertained on what tearms he 
received them, it should be supposed an invitation, an[d] no 
satisfaction should be allowed or recovered in any Court of 
Justice; thereby giving notice that no stranger coming into 
the Country should be drilled in, or made a purchase of under 
colour of friendship: but that the Inhabitants at first coming 



294 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

shall let them know how they mean to deal with them, that if 
they like not the terms they may remove themselves at pleas- 
ure ; a Law so good and commendable, that it is never like to 
be revoked or altered. 

Now for those that carry over Families and estates with 
a determination to inhabit, my advice is that they neither 
sojourn, for that will be chargeable; nor on the sudden pur- 
chase, for that may prove unfortunate; but that they for the 
first year hire a house (for seats are alwayes to be hired) and 
by that means, they will not onely finde content and live at a 
cheap rate, but be acquainted in the Country and learn the 
worth and goodnesse of the Plantation they mean to purchase; 
and so not rashly intangle themselves in an ill bargain, or 
finde where a convenient parcell of Land is for their turns to be 
taken up. 

Yet are the Inhabitants generally affable, courteous and 
very assistant to strangers (for what but plenty makes hos- 
pitality and good neighbourhood) and no sooner are they 
settled, but they will be visiting, presenting and advicing 
the stranger how to improve what they have, how to better 
their way of livelihood. 

Justice is there duly and daily administred; hardly can 
any travaile two miles together, but they will finde a Justice, 
which hath power of himself to hear and determine mean 
differences, to secure and bind over notorious offenders, of 
which very few are in the Country. 

In every County are Courts kept, every two moneths, and 
oftener if occasion require, in which Courts all things are de- 
termined without exceptions; and if any dislike the proceed- 
ings of those Courts, they have liberty to appeal to the Quar- 
ter Court, which is four times a year; and from thence to the 
Assembly, which is once or oftner every year: So that I am 
confident, more speedy Justice and with smaller charge is not 
in any place to be found. 

Theft is seldome punished, as being seldome or never com- 
mitted; for as the Proverb is, where there are no receivers, 
there are no thieves; and although Doores are nightly left 
open (especially in the Summer time), Hedges hanging full 
of Cloathes, Plate frequently used amongst all comers and 
goers (and there is good store of Plate in many houses) yet I 



1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 295 

never heard of any losse ever received either in Plate, Linnen, 
or any thing else out of their Houses all the time I inhabited 
there. 

Indeed I have known some suffer for stealing of Hogs, (but 
not since they have been plentifull) and whereas Hogstealing 
was once punished with death, it is now made penal, and 
restitution given very amply to the owner thereof. 

Cases of Murther are punished as in England, and Juries 
allowed, as well in Criminal causes, as in all other differences 
between party and party, if they desire it. 

Servants complaints are freely harkened to, and (if not 
causlesly made) there Masters are compelled either speedily to 
amend, or they are removed upon second complaint to another 
service; and often times not onely set free, (if the abuse merit 
it) but ordered to give reparation and damage to their servant. 

The Country is very full of sober, modest persons, both, 
men and women, and many that truly fear God and follow that' 
perfect rule of our blessed Saviour, to do as they would be done \ 
by; and of such a happy inclination is the Country, that many 
who in England have been lewd and idle, there in emulation 
or imitation (for example moves more than precept) of the in- 
dustry of those they finde there, not onely grow ashamed of 
their former courses, but abhor to hear of them, and in small 
time wipe off those stains they have formerly been tainted 
with; yet I cannot but confesse, there are people wicked 
enough (as what Country is free) for we know some natures will 
never be reformed, but these must follow the Fryers rule, 
Si non caste, tamen caute; 1 for if any be known, either to pro- \ 
phane the Lords day or his Name, be found drunk, commit . 
whoredome, scandalize or disturb his neighbour, or give 
offence to the world by living suspiciously in any bad courses; 1 
there are for each of these, severe and wholsome laws and 
remedies made, provided and duly put in execution. I can 
confidently affirm, that since my being in England, which is . 
not yet four moneths, I have been an eye and ear witnesse 
of more deceits and villanies (and such as modesty forbids ( 
me to utter) then I either ever saw or heard mention made 
of in Virginia, in my one and twenty years aboad in those7 
parts. 

1 If not chastely, then at any rate, cautiously. 



296 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

And therefore those that shall blemish Virginia any more, 
do but like the Dog bark against the Moon ; untill they be 
blind and weary; and Virginia is now in that secure growing 
condition, that like the Moon so barked at, she will passe on 
her course, maugre all detractors, and a few years will bring 
it to that glorious happinesse, that many of her calumniators 
will intercede to procure admittance thither, when it will be 
hard to be attained to; for in smal time, little land will be to 
be taken up ; and after a while none at all ; and as the Mulberry 
Trees grows up, which are by every one planted, Tobacco will 
be laid by, and we shall wholy fall to making of Silk (a Sample 
of 400£. hath already been sent for England, and approved of) 
which will require little labour; and therefore shall have little 
use of Servants; besides, Children increase and thrive so well 
there, that they themselves will sufficiently supply the defect 
of Servants: And in small time become a Nation of themselves 
sufficient to people the Country: And this good policy is there 
used; As the Children there born grow to maturity, and ca- 
pable (as they are generally very capable and apt) they are 
still preferred and put into authority, and carry themselves 
therein civilly and discretly; and few there are but are able 
to give some Portions with their daughters, more or lesse, 
according to their abilities; so that many comming out of 
England have raised themselves good fortunes there meerly 
by matching with Maidens born in the Country. 

And therefore I cannot but admire, and indeed much 
pitty the dull stupidity of people necessitated in England, 

f who rather then they will remove themselves, live here a base, 
slavish, penurious life ; as if there were a necessity to live and 
to live so, choosing rather then they will forsake England to stuff 

, New-Gate, Bridewell, and other Jayles with their carkessies, 
nay cleave to tyburne 1 it selfe, and so bring confusion to their 
souls, horror and infamie to their kindred or posteritie, others 

., itch out their wearisom lives in reliance of other mens charities, 
an uncertaine and unmanly expectation; some more abhor- 
ring such courses betake themselve to almost perpetuall and 
restlesse toyle and druggeries out of which (whilst their 
strength lasteth) they (observing hard diets, earlie and late 
houres) make hard shift to subsist from hand to mouth, untill 

1 The famous place of execution. 



1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 297 

age or sicknesse takes them off from labour and directs them 
the way to beggerie, and such indeed are to be pittied, relieved 
and provided for. 

I have seriously considered when I have (passing the 
streets) heard the several Cryes, and noting the commodi- 
ties, and the worth of them they have carried and cryed up 
and down, how possibly a livelihood could be exacted out of 
them, as to cry Matches, Smal-coal, Blacking, Pen and Ink, 
Thred-laces, and a hundred more such kinde of trifling mer- 
chandizes; then looking on the nastinesse of their linnen 
habits and bodies, I conclude if gain sufficient could be raised 
out of them for subsistance, yet their manner of living was 
degenerate and base, and their condition to be far below the 
meanest servant in Virginia. 

The other day, I saw a man heavily loaden with a burden 
of Faggots on his back, crying, Dry Faggots, Dry Faggots; 
he travailed much ground, bawled frequently, and sweat with 
his burthen: but I saw none buy any, neer three houres I 
followed him, in which time he rested, I entered into discourse 
with him, offered him drink, which he thankfully accepted of, 
(as desirous to learn the mistery of his trade) I enquired what 
he got by each burden when sold? he answered me three 
pence: I further asked him what he usually got a day? he 
replyed, some dayes nothing some dayes six pence; some 
time more, but seldome; me thought it was a pittifull life, 
and I admired how he could live on it; And yet it were dan- 
gerous to advise, these wretches to better their conditions by 
travaile, for fear of the cry of, a spirit, a spirit. 1 

The Country is not only plentiful! but pleasant and profit- 
able, pleasant in regard of the brightnesse of the weather, the 
many delight full rivers, on which the inhabitants are settled 
(every man almost living in sight of a lovely river) the abun- 
dance of game, the extraordinary good neighbourhood and 
loving conversation they have one with the other. 

Pleasant in their building, which although for most part 
they are but one story besides the loft, and built of wood, yet 
contrived so delightfull, that your ordinary houses in Eng-^ 
land are not so handsome, for usually the rooms are large,, 
daubed and whitelimed, glazed and flowered, and if not 

1 A kidnapper. 



298 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

^fglazed windows, shutters which are made very pritty and 
'convenient. 

Pleasant in observing their stocks and flockes of Cattle, 
Hoggs, and Poultry, grazing, whisking and skipping in their 
sights, pleasant in having all things of their own, growing or 
breeding without drawing the peny to send for this and that, 
without which, in England they cannot be supplyed. 

The manner of living and trading there is thus; each man 
almost lives a free-holder, nothing but the value of 12 d. a 
year to be paid as rent, for every 50. Acrees of land; firing 
cost nothing, every man plants his own corne and neede take 
no care for bread: if any thing be bought, it is for commodhy, 1 
exchanged presently, or for a day; payment is usuall made 
but once a year, and for that Bill taken (for accounts are not 
pleadable.) 

In summer when fresh meat will not keep, seeing every 
man kils of his own, and quantities are inconvenient, they 
lend from one to another, such portions of flesh as they can 
spare, which is repaied again when the borrower kils his. 

If any fall sick, and cannot compasse to follow his crope 

, which if not followed, will soon be lost, the adjoyning neigh- 

! bours will either voluntarily or upon a request joyn together, 

and work in it by spels, untill the honour 2 recovers, and that 

gratis, so that no man by sicknesse loose any part of his years 

worke. 

Let any travell, it is without charge, and at every house 
is entertainment as in a hostery, and with it hearty welcome 
are stranger entertained. 

In a word, Virginia wants not good victual, wants not 
good dispositions, and as God hath freely bestowed it, they 
as freely impart with it, yet are there aswel bad natures as 
good. 

The profit of the country is either by their labour, their 
stockes, or their trades. 

By their labours is produced corne and Tobacco, and all 

other growing provisions, and this Tobacco however now 

low-rated, yet a good maintenance may be had out of it, (for 

they have nothing of necessity but cloathing to purchasse), 

' or can this mean price of Tobacco long hold, for these reasons, 

1 Convenience. a Owner. 



1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 299 

First that in England it is prohibited, next that they have 
attained of late those sorts equall with the best Spanish, 
Thirdly that the sicknesse in Holland is decreasing, which hath 
been a great obstruction to the sail of Tobacco. 

And lastly, that as the mulbery tree grows up, tobacco 
will be neglected and silke, flax, two staple commodities 
generally fallen upon. 

Of the increase of cattle and hoggs, much advantage is 
made, by selling biefe, porke, and bacon, and butter etc. 
either to shipping, or to send to the Barbadoes, and other 
Islands, and he is a very poor man that hath not sometimes 
provision to put off. 

By trading with Indians for Skins, Beaver, Furres and 
other commodities oftentimes good profits are raised; The 
Indians are in absolute subjection to the English, so that they 
both pay tribute to them and receive all their severall king 
from them, and as one dies they repaire to the English for a 
successor, so that none neede doubt it a place of securitie. 

Several ways of advancement there are and imployments 
both for the learned and laborer, recreation for the gentry, 
traffique for the adventurer, congregations for the ministrie 
(and oh that God would stir up the hearts of more to go over, 
such as would teach good doctrine, and not paddle in faction, 
or state matters; they could not want maintenance, they would 
find an assisting, an imbracing, a conforming people.) 

It is knowne (such preferment hath this Country re- 
warded the industrious with) that some from being wool- 
hoppers and of as mean and meaner imployment in England 
have there grown great merchants, and attained to the most 
eminent advancements the Country afforded. If men can- 
not gaine (by diligence) states in those parts (I speake not 
only mine own opinion, but divers others, and something by 
experience) it will hardly be done, unlesse by meere lucke as 
gamsters thrive, and other accidentals in any other part what- 
soever. 

Now having briefly set down the present state of Virginia not 
in fiction, but in realitie, I wish the juditious reader to consider 
what dislike can be had of the Country, or upon what grounds 
it is so infamously injured. I only therein covet to stop those 
blackmouthed babblers, that not only have and do abuse 



300 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

so noble a plantation, but abuse Gods great blessing in adding 
to England so flourishing a branch, in perswading many souls, 
rather to follow desparate and miserable courses in England, 
then to ingage in so honourable an undertaking as to travile 
and inhabite there; but to those I shall (if admonition will 
not worke on their recreant spirits) only say, Let him that is 
filthie be filthie still. 

Mary-lands Additions. 

Having for 19 yeare served Virginia the elder sister, I 
casting my eye on Mary-land the younger, grew in amoured 
on her beauty, resolving like Jacob when he had first served for 
Leah, to begin a fresh service for Rachell. 

Two year and upward have I enjoyed her company with 
delight and profit, but was enforced by reason of her un- 
natural disturbances to leave her weeping for her children 
and would not be comforted, because they were not; yet will 
I never totally forsake or be beaten off from her. 

Twice 1 hath she been deflowred by her own Inhabitants, 
stript, shorne and made deformed; yet such a naturall fertility 
and comelinesse doth she retain that she cannot but be loved, 
but be pittied; and although she would ever have vailed to 
Virginia as her elder, yet had not these two fatall mischiefs 
hapened, she would erelong have spread her self as largly, 
and produced as much in every respect as Virginia does or 
could doe. 

Mary-land is a province not commonly knowne in England, 
because the name of Virginia includes or clouds it, it is a 
Country wholy belonging to that honorable Gentleman the 
Lord of Baltamore, granted him by Pattent under, the broad 
Seal of England long since, and at his charge settled, granted 
for many reasons, and this for one; that Virginia having more 
land then they could manure or look after in convenient time, 
first the Duch came and tooke from the English much land 
which they still hold, next the Swead, who intrenched neerer 
and had not this Pattent came and prevented it, Dutch, 
Swead, French and other strangers had pend up our Nation 

1 The reference is to Ingle's rebellion, 1645, and the intervention of the com- 
missioners of Parliament, 1651. 



1649] LEAH AND RACHEL 301 

with in the bounds of Virginia, whereas now they have now all 
Mary-land, as it were their own, it being only granted for the 
use of Brittaines and Irish. 

It is (not an Island as is reported, but) part of that maine 
adjoyning to Virginia, only separated or parted from Vir- 
ginia, by a river of ten miles broad, called Patomack river; 
the commodities and manner of living as in Virginia, the soyle 
somewhat more temporate (as being more Northerly). Many 
stately and navigable rivers are contained in it, plentifully 
stored with wholsome springs, a rich and pleasant soile, and 
so that its extraordinary goodnes hath made it rather desired 
then envied, which hath been fatall to her (as beauty is often 
times to those that are endued with it) and that the reader 
may thoroughly be informed how she hath suffered, I shall in 
brief relate, and conclude. 

It is to be understood that in the time of the late King, 
Virginia being whol for monarchy, and the last Country 
belonging to England that submitted to obdience of the Com- 
monwealth of England, And there was in Virginia a certaine 
people congregated into a Church, calling themselves Inde- 
pendents, which daily encreasing, severall consultations were 
had by the state of that Coloney, how to suppresse and ex- 
tinguish them, which was daily put in execution, as first their 
Pastor was banished, next their other Teachers, then many 
by informations clapt up in prison, then generally disarmed 
(wch was very harsh in such a country where the heathen live 
round about them) by one Colonel Samuel Mathews 1 then a 
Counsellor in Virginia and since Agent for Virginia to the then 
parliament, and lastly in a condition of banishment, so that 
they knew not in those streights how to dispose of them- 
selves. 

Mary-land (my present subject) was courted by them as 
a refuge, the Lord Proprietor and his Governor solicited to, 
and severall addresses and treaties made for their admittance 
and entertainment into that province, their conditions were 
pittied, their propositions were harkened to and agree on, 
which was that they should have convenient portions of land 
assigned them, libertie of conscience and priviledge to choose 

1 See letter of Thomas Yong, p. 59, supra; also Winthrop's Journal, II. 167, 
168. 



302 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1649 

their owne officers, and hold courts within themselves. All 
was granted them, they had a whole County of the richest 
land in the province asigned them, and such as themselves 
made choyce of, the conditions of plantations (such as were 
common to all adventurers) were shewed and propounded to 
them, which they extreamly approved of, and nothing was in 
those conditions exacted from them, but appeales to the 
Provincial court, quit-rents, and an oath of fidelitie to the 
Proprietor: An assembly was called throughout the whole 
Country after their comming over (consisting aswell of them- 
selves as the rest) and because there were some few papists 
that first inhabited these themselves, and others being of 
different judgments, an act passed that all professing in Jesus 
Christ should have equall justice, priviledges and benefits in 
that province, and that none on penaltie (mentioned) should 
disturb each other in their several professions, nor give the 
urging termes, either of Roundheads, sectarie, Independent, 
Jesuit, Papist, etc., Intending an absolute peace and union; 
the Oath of Fidelitie (although none other then such as every 
Lord of a manner 1 requires from his tenant) was over hauled, 
and this clause added to it (provided it infring not the libertie 
of the conscience.) 

They sat downe joyfully, followed their vocations chear- 
fully, trad increased in their province, and divers others were 
by this incouraged and invited over from Virginia. 

But these people finding themselves in a capacitie not 
only to capitulate, but to oversway, those that had so re- 
ceived and relieved them, 

Began to pick quarrells, first with the Papists, next with 
the oath, and lastly declared their aversness to all conformali- 
tie, wholy ayming (as themselves since confessed) to deprive 
the Lord proprietor of all his interest in that country, and 
make it their own: with [what] unworthiness? What in- 
gratitude? with [what] unparalled inhumanitie was in these 
practices made obvious. 

Amongst others that became tenants in this aforesaid 
distress was one Richard Bennett Merchant, who seated and 
settled amongst them, and so (not only owed obedience to 
that government, but) was obliged as a man received in his 

1 Manor. 



1652] LEAH AND RACHEL 303 

pretended distresse, to be a gratfull benefactor. Upon the 
setting forth of a fleet intended for the reducement of Virginia, 
the said Bennet and one Claiborne, a pestilent enemie to the 
wel-faire of that province and the Lord Proprietor, although he 
had formerly submissively acknowledged he owed his for- 
feited life to the said proprietor, for dealing so favorably with 
him for his misdemeanors, as by his treacherous letters under 
his hand (now in print) is manifest, and many other acts of 
grace conferred on him, having a commission directed to 
them and others (who miscarried by sea) to reduce Virginia 
(not Mary-land, for they were in obedience to the Common- 
wealth of England, and great assistance to the said fleet) 
although they knew Mary-land to be excluded and dasht out of 
their Commission, yet because the commission mentioned the 
Bay of Chesapeack, in which Mary-land was (as well as Vir- 
ginia) yet they were resolved to wreth and stretch their com- 
mission to the prejudice of Mary-land and becomming ab- 
betters and confederats with those serpents that have been 
so taken in, presumed to alter the government and take 
away the governours Commission, putting in others in their 
place, viz. a Papist in cheife, and one more, who misgoverning 
the Country, they were excluded, and the former governor 
restored with an addition of Commissioners of their owne 
creatures, and as taking power from them, untill further 
knowledge from England, driving herein at their own interest. 
The governour (so restored) being truly informed that their 
proceedings were illegal, held Courts and proceeds as if no 
such alteration had been made, issues out Writs (accord- 
ing to order) In the name of the Lord proprietor, but they 
require and command them to do it in the name of the Keep- 
ers of the Liberties of England, according to act of Parlia- 
ment, to which answer sufficient was given, that they never 
were in opposition to the present power, they had taken the 
Engagement, and for the tenure or form of writs, they were not 
compelled by vertue of that act to make them otherwise then 
they always had done, for by Patent from the late K. they had 
power to issue out in the Proprietors name, and never had 
used the Kings name at all, therefore that act requiring all 
Writs formerly issuing out in the late Kings name, now to re- 
volve to the Keepers of the Liberties of England, was no 



304 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

way binding to them, who had never used the kings name 
at all. 

But it was not religion, it was not punctilios they stood 
upon, it was that sweete, that rich, that large Country they 
aimed at; and therefore agrees amongst themselves to frame 
petitions, complaints, and subscriptions from those bandetoes 
to themselves (the said Bennet and Claiborne) to ease them of 
their pretended sufferings, and then come with arms, and againe 
make the Province their own, exalting themselves in all places 
of trust and command, totally expulsing the Governer, and 
all the hospitable Proprietors, Officers out of their places. 

But when his Highnesse (not acquainted with these matchi- 
nations) had owned and under his hand and signet acknowl- 
edged Cap. Will. Stone (the former governor) Governor for 
the Lord Baltamore of his Province of Mary-land, he again 
endeavored to reasume the government, and fetched away the 
records from those usurpers, proclaimed peace to all not obsti- 
nate, and favorably received many submissives, who with 
seeming joy returned, bewailing their unworthy ingratitude 
and inhumanitie, blaming the unbridled ambition and base 
averice of those that had misled them. 1 

The Province consists of foure Counties already inhabited, 
viz. St. Maries, Calverton, An Arundal and Kent. St. Maries 
and Calverton submitted, An Arundall and part of Kent 
opposed. 

The Governor desirous to reclaim those opposing, takes a 
partie about 130 persons with him, and sailes into those parts, 
one Roger Heamans who had a great ship under him, and 
who had promised to be instrumental! to the governor, to wind 
up those differences (being Judas-like, hired to joyn with 
those opposing Countries) and having the Governour and his 
vessells within reach of his Ordnance, perfidiously and con- 
trary to his undertaking and ingagments, fires at them and 
enforces them to the first shore to prevent that mischief. 

The next morning he sends messengers to those of An 
Arundall to treat, and messengers aboard that Shittlecock 
Heamans, but all were detained; and on the 25 of March last 
(being the next day and the Lords day) about 170 and odd 

'See Archives of Maryland, III. 275; and supra, pp. 203, 239, 260, et seq., 
for other accounts of the occurrences above narrated. 



1655] LEAH AND RACHEL 305 

of Kent and Anne Arundall came marching against them. 
Heaman fires a pace at them, and a small vessel of New- 
England under the command of one John Cutts comes neere 
the shore and seazes the boats, provision and amunition be- 
longing to the Governour and his partie, and so in a nick, in a 
streight were they fallen upon. 

The Governour being shot in many places yeilds on quarter, 
which was granted; but being in hold, was threatned (not- 
withstanding that quarter given) to be imediatly executed, 
unlesse he would writ to the rest to take quarter, which upon 
his request they did, twentie odd were killed in this skirmish, 
and all the rest prisoners on quarter, who were disarmed and 
taken into custodie. 

But these formerly distressed supplicants for admittance, 
being now become High and Mighty States, and supposing 
their Conquest unquestionable, consult with themselves (not- 
withstanding their quarter given) to make their Conquest 
more absolute, by cutting off the heads of the Province, viz. 
the Governor, the Counsel and Commanders thereof: And so 
make themselves a Counsel of War, and condemn them to 
death : Foure were presently executed, scilicet, Mr. William 
Eltonhead, one of the Councel; Capt. William Lewis, Mr. 
John Legate Gentleman, and John Pedro; the rest at the im- 
portunity of some women, and resolution of some of their 
souldiers (who would not suffer their designe to take thorough 
effect, as being pricked in Conscience for their ingratitudes) 
were saved, but were Amerced, Fined and Plundred at their 
pleasures: 1 And although this was prophetiquely foreseen by 
diverse eminent Merchants of London, who Petitioned his 
Highnesse for prevention, and that his Highnesse sent a 
gracious command to Bennet, and all others, not to disturb 
the Lord Baltamores Officers, nor People in Mary-land, but 
recalled all Power or pretence of Power from them; yet they 
still hold, and possesse (in defiance of so sacred a mandate) 
the said Province of Maryland, and sent an impious Agent 
home to Parlie whilest they plundred; but he hath long 
since given up his account to the great avenger of all injuries: 
Although sticklers (somewhat more powerfull, but by many 

1 For other accounts of this conflict see Babylon's Fall, and Refutation of 
Babylon's Fall, supra. 



306 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1655 

degrees more brazen fac't then his spirit could bare him forth 
to appear) Now labour to justifie these inhumanities, dis- 
orders, contempts, and rebellions; so that I may say with the 
Prophet Jeremiah; 1 How doth the Citty sit solitary that was 
full of people? How is she become as a widdow? She that 
was great amongst the Nations, and Princesse amongst the 
Provinces? How is she become tributary? Thus have they 
brought to desolation, one of the happiest Plantations that 
ever Englishmen set foot in, and such a Country (that if it 
were again made formall) might harbor in peace and plenty 
all such as England shall have occasion to disburthen, or de- 
sire to forsake England. 

A pious consideration of these distractions is by his High- 
nesse taking notice of, and these controversies are by him 
referred to the Hearing, and Report of those two Honourable 
and judicious Gentlemen the Lords Whitlock and Widdring- 
ton, 2 whose Pains and Moderation in Hearing, and mildly dis- 
puting indifferently the condition of these uproars, gives not 
onely hopes of relief, but have added to their renowns, by all 
those that (as observed) have been present at the severall 
Hearings, an account whereof will ere long be published in 
print. 3 

Upon determination whereof, it must be concluded that a 
settlement will follow, and then many families will flock over 
to inhabit these mines, the fertility of the Province will (in 
short time) make good (excepting the blood spilt which can 
never be recalled nor satisfied for.) 

Let this be no discouragement to any to goe over, for it 
will now be more firmly settled then ever, and so throughly 
setled that neither envy nor deceipt can again ever shake it. 

And being so setled, I know no country (although I have 
travelled many) that I more affect, more esteem; that which 
profits delights, and here is both absolute profit, reall delight; 
I shall forget my undertaking in the beginning of my booke, 

1 Lamentations i. 1. 

a Bulstrode Whitelocke and Sir Thomas Widdrington, commissioners of the 
Great Seal, called lords as members of Cromwell's upper house. 

3 Archives of Maryland, III. 320, 330, 331. The matter was finally adjusted 
and Lord Baltimore's authority restored by agreement between him and the 
commissioners. Ibid., 332. 



1656] LEAH AND RACHEL 307 

which was not to over extall the Country: for should I indeed 
give it its due commendations, I should seem to be suborn'd; 
but in few words, it is that Country in which I desire to spend 
the remnant of my dayes, in which I covert to make my grave. 
This I have not written for profit, for it is known I have 
given away the copy, and therefore am the less to be mis- 
trusted for a delude^ for popular applause I did it not, for in 
this pregnant age, my lines appear so harsh and disordered, 
that I would not have affixed my name to it, but in obedience 
to those commands that so require it, and to prevent the im- 
putation of a libeller. The maine drift and scope I have here- 
in aimed at, is to discover Virginia and Mary-land, and stand up 
in their just defences when calumniated, to let many that pine 
in England know, they are to their mines deluded, that are 
frighted from going thither, if their wayes of livelihood be 
not certaine in England. 



Post-script. 
A Word to the Governour and Counsell in Virginia. 

Gentlemen, 

As I have done your Country of Virginia justice in stand- 
ing up in its defence, so I expect and entreat the like from you : 
I know ye are honest and understand your selves; I cannot 
except nor speake against any of ye, but Will. Claiborne, 
whom ye all know to be a Villaine, but it is no more blemish to 
your degree, to have him of your societie, then it was to the 
Apostles to have Judas of theirs. I have had injury by him 
by palpable cousinages done me, as I shal one day demon- 
strate. But for the decree of your court against one Captaine 
Thomas Thoroughgood, late Commander of the shipp Cres- 
sent, I desire you to consider of it again and reverse it for 
these reasons following. 

I was an inhabitant of Mary-land of two years standing, 
proscribe to die by the rebells of the Bay. I fled disguised 
to Virginia, came a bord his Ship by an unknowne name, 
made my condition, not my person, known to him, and he 
charitably brought me for England, otherewise I had causelesly 
been put to death. For which letters certifies us in England, 



308 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1656 

that ye have amersed him in deep penalties, by an acte of 
Assembly made against masters or Commanders of ships that 
shall carrie away any of the inhabitants of your colonie with- 
out a pass. 

First, know I was no inhabitant of Virginia, but Mary- 
land, a government ye have nothing to doe with. 

Next I came with my Governours consent, Captaine Wil- 
liam Stone who in England justifies Captaine Thoroughgoods 
bringing me home: and here I must and will abide such cen- 
sure or vindication as the supreame power of England shall 
find me to have merited; and therfore I humbly request ye to 
peruse and reverse that order against him for bringing me for 
England. 

I shall hereafter give such an account to Virginia of my 
actions from time to time, that they shall be fully satisfied; 
I never deserved the least injurie either from any Govern- 
ment, nor any private person, since I first inhabited there. 
But that shall be a subject particular: and a peece not use- 
full in England, but only to scatter in Virginia amongst my 
friends, whos good opinion I covet, and that they may know in 
many odiums I have been wronged, and that I am the man 
that have seene affliction. 



JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY TO MARY 
LAND, BY AUGUSTINE HERRMAN, 1659 



INTRODUCTION 

Augustine Herrman, the author of the following journal, 
was a prominent figure in Maryland's history. A Bohemian 
by birth, he was first a member of the Dutch colony of New 
Netherland. The high esteem in which he was there held is 
sufficiently proved by his selection by Governor Stuyvesant 
as one of the two envoys sent on a mission to Maryland, the 
account of which is here presented. Herrman was so much 
impressed by what he saw there that he subsequently removed 
to Maryland and became a large landholder, lord of a manor, 
which he called Bohemia in remembrance of the land of his 
birth, and an influential and valuable member of the com- 
munity. In 1661 he was naturalized by special order of the 
Proprietary 1 and was the first person not a subject of the 
English Crown to enjoy the rights of a freeman in Maryland. 

The circumstances which led to the mission to Maryland 
are briefly as follows: 

Soon after the settlement of Dutch colonists, under the aus- 
pices of the Dutch West India Company, upon the island of 
Manhattan in 1624, several attempts were made by them to 
effect a settlement upon the west bank of the Delaware River. 
None of these became permanent, however, and in 1631 the 
inhabitants at a place they called Swanendael on the Lewes 
River were all massacred by the Indians. 

The charter of Maryland was granted by Charles I. to Lord 
Baltimore in 1632; the first colonists set sail in November, 

1 Archives of Maryland, III. 398. This order is dated January 14, 1660/1. 
See also petition for naturalization in Archives of Maryland, II. 144. The in- 
clusion of Herrman's name in the petition seems to have been unnecessary. 

311 



312 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

1633, and landed at St. Mary's in March, 1634. At that time 
there were no Europeans settled upon the west bank of the 
Delaware, which by the terms of his charter was included in 
Lord Baltimore's grant. 

In 1638, a party of adventurers from Sweden sailed into 
Delaware Bay and effected a settlement at what is now the 
site of Wilmington, and there erected a fort which in honor of 
their queen they called Fort Christina. This colony grew in 
strength, and the Dutch, becoming concerned at this, built 
in 1651 a fort to which they gave the name of Nieuw Amstel, 1 
where Newcastle now is; but this was soon captured by the 
Swedes and renamed Fort Casimir. The Dutch in turn capt- 
ured both forts in 1655, and reduced the Swedish settlement 
to their obedience. 

All this strife had been conducted within the territory 
granted to Lord Baltimore, and in order to prevent these set- 
tlers from claiming title by adverse possession the Governor 
and Council of Maryland in 1659 despatched Colonel Nathaniel 
Utie, a settler near the head of the Chesapeake Bay and a 
member of the Council, to proceed to the Delaware and notify 
the Deputy Governor, Alrichs, that the settlement was within 
the limits of Maryland, and that the settlers must submit to 
the authority of the Lord Proprietary's government. Colonel 
Utie appears to have exceeded the letter of his instructions by 
adding certain direful threats as to what would follow in the 
event of noncompliance on their part. The Dutch were not 
prepared to submit, and were not prepared for the war which 
they understood would be immediately thrust upon them. 
Therefore, while making preparations for the latter contin- 
gency, they despatched Augustine Herrman and Resolved 
Waldron as envoys to the Governor and Council of Maryland 
to negotiate for a settlement of the matters in dispute. 

In the preamble of the charter of Maryland the territory 

1 New Amstel. 



INTRODUCTION 313 

granted to Lord Baltimore is described as hactenus inculta 
(rendered in the translation printed in this volume 1 as "not 
yet cultivated and planted") and inhabited only by savages. 
This expression hactenus inculta is the basis of the claim on 
the part of the Dutch that the territory along the Delaware 
was not included in Lord Baltimore's grant for the reason 
that there had been Dutch settlements there prior to 1631. It 
has already been noted that there was no settlement there 
either at the date of Lord Baltimore's charter or at the date of 
the landing of the colonists in Maryland. 

In response to the contention of the Marylanders that the 
English claimed the continent of North America by right of 
discovery, the envoys boldly carried the claim of title for the 
Dutch to the time of Columbus, asserting that the benefit of 
his discoveries inured to them as assignees of the Spanish 
Crown to which they formerly were subject. A map of Mary- 
land was made by Herrman in 1670 2 which was engraved by 
W. Faithorne in London in 1673. It is remarkably accurate 
so far as the tide-water portion of the state is concerned, but 
largely conjectural as to the western, mountainous, and then 
unexplored portion. 

The Dutch original of this journal is in the archives of the 
state of New York at Albany, where it is designated as "New 
York Colonial Manuscripts, vol. 18, p. 96." A translation 
was printed in Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the 
State of New York, II. 88 et seq. In the text which follows, 
the translation has been carefully revised, and certain correc- 
tions made, by Dr. A. J. F. van Laer, archivist of the state of 
New York. 

C. C. H. 

1 See A Relation of Maryland, p. 101, supra. 

8 In conferring naturalization upon Herrman ten years before, Lord Balti- 
more mentions such a map as having been already drawn by him. 



JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY TO MARY- 
LAND, BY AUGUSTINE HERRMAN, 1659 

Journal kept by Augustine Herrman during his Embassy from 
the Right Honorable the Director-General, Petrus Stuyvesant 
and the Supreme Council of New Netherland, to the Hon ble 
Governor-General and Council of Maryland, touching the 
pretensions set up by Colonel Nathaniel Utie to the South 
river. 

Journal kept during the Journey to Virginia. 

September 30, Tuesday. Set out on our journey from New 
Amstel about noon, accompanied by Resolved Waldron and 
our attached soldiers and guides, and, after travelling about 
an hour, arrived at a small creek which comes from Jagers- 
land. Our course, as we computed, was west-northwest. 
About an hour and a half further came to a little creek or run 
of water, which we suppose flows also from Jagersland. Our 
course was westerly, and, having travelled about an hour 1 
further, came to another run of water flowing southwards, 
where we must encamp for the night, as the Indians would not 
proceed any farther. Nothing occurred on the way except 
hearing a shot fired to the north of us, which the Indians 
doubted not was by an Englishman. Whereupon we fired 
three shots, to see if we should be answered, but heard nothing. 

October 1, Wednesday. In the morning, before sunrise, pro- 
ceeded on our course a little south of west by south, crossed 
two other little runs of water, branches, as we surmised, of the 
South River, and some dry thickets. The country afterwards 
rose somewhat, and again descended; about nine o'clock, 
came to the first stream that, the Indians said, flowed into the 

1 The "hour" by which distances are indicated in the manuscript equals three 
nautical miles. 

314 



1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 315 

Bay of Virginia, where we breakfasted; we computed it to be 
about five leagues from New Amstel. This stream, the Ind- 
ians stated, is called, in their tongue, Cimamus, which signi- 
fies Hare Creek, 1 because the whole of this point is so named. 

From this stream we proceeded southwest and west-south- 
west straight through the woods, without a path, and about 
one league or somewhat more, struck, as we presumed, the 
same creek; following it along to where the tide comes up, 
we found the boat which the Indians had mentioned, hauled 
on shore, and entirely dried out. 

We embarked and dismissed our four guides, but Sander 
Poeyer, with his Indian, accompanied us; shortly after we 
pushed off, the boat became almost half full of water, where- 
upon we were obliged to land and turn the boat upside down; 
we caulked the seams somewhat with old linen, our people 
having left behind them the tow which had been given them 
for that purpose, and thus made it a little tighter, but one 
was obliged to sit continually and bail out the water. In 
that way, we came with the same tide a good league and a 
half down Elk River, and found ourselves at its east branch, 
where we built a fire in the woods, and proceeded with the 
night ebb on our journey with great labor, as the boat was very 
leaky, and we had neither rudder nor oar, but merely paddles. 

October 2, Thursday. Having paddled down Elk River 
almost the whole of the night, came about 8 o'clock to Sassa- 
fracx River, where we stopped during that tide at , 2 

on the plantation of one Mr. Jan Turner. Here we found 
Abraham the Finn, a soldier who had run away from Christina, 
and also a Dutch woman, whom he, the Jaeger, 3 brought 
hither. We offered them the General's pardon, in case they 
would return to New Amstel within six months, and should 
they then be unwilling to stay there, they would be at liberty 
to go to the Manhattans. The woman accepted these con- 
ditions, having three months more to serve, when she would 
return. But the soldier raised many objections. We pre- 
vailed, however, so far on him, that he made us a pair of new 

1 This stream, a tributary of the Elk River, appears from the description to 
be what is now known as Big Elk Creek. 
a Blank in original. 
5 Hunter. Cf. Jagersland, above. 



316 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659 

oars. We set Sander Poyer on shore here to obtain informa- 
tion, but we could not learn anything, as the only residents 
there were some Swedes and Finns, who had run away in 
the time of Governor Prins. 1 Having thus had a little rest, 
and the tide being favorable, we prosecuted our journey; but 
after we had pushed off from the shore, the aforesaid Abraham 
with one Marcus, a Finn, came to our side in a canoe, and 
would not let us pass, as they claimed the boat, and, not- 
withstanding we assured them that they should have the boat 
on our return, they forcibly held on to us, and this Marcus 
drew a pocket-pistol and threatened to fire if we would not 
stop. They had, besides, two snaphances; we finally got rid 
of them with a great deal ado. On leaving the river, we heard 
heavy volley firing on Colonel Utie's island, otherwise called 
, 2 which we presumed must have proceeded from fifty 
or sixty men; it was mingled with music. This lasted until 
night, so that we conjectured they were making ready to go to 
the South River. On looking around for information, we 
accidentally found a newly begun plantation on our road, 
where people had come and were busy cutting down timber 
for a house, but the carpenter, who was one of my acquaint- 
ances, knew not what the firing meant, unless it might pos- 
sibly be some feasting or frolic. He invited us, it being late, 
to remain with him through the night, as there was not another 
house on the way between this and Kent Island, but we pro- 
ceeded on our journey and got two leagues farther. We would 
have gladly dispatched an Indian, could we have got one, to 
carry intelligence to New Amstel and to return to the Swedes 
with the boat, but we feared to be detained, so that we had 
no doubt but under the circumstances Sander Poeyer would 
do his duty. 

This Sassafrax River runs close to our creek, which empties 
near Reedy Island. There is only a high hill between the two, 
whence both streams are visible at the same time. From 
that place the woman said she came down with the Jaeger. I 
understood that ships could sail up as far as this river, but 
no farther, because it is then shallow and navigable only for 
sloops, especially Elk River, which is quite shallow. 

1 Johan Printz, governor of New Sweden from 1642 to 1653. 

2 Manuscript defective; the island is called Spesutia (Utie's Hope). 



1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 317 

October 3, Friday. We rowed forward during the tide of 
that night and day until opposite Pools Island/ which we 
estimate to be miles from Sassafracx River. It lies 

near the west shore, and we passed with our leaky boat along 
the east shore, observing nothing on the way except that 
there was no fresh water to be found along here as far as 
Kent Island. We arrived, towards evening, at the north end 
of Kent Island, where, meeting a strong flood tide against us, 
and being fatigued, we took up our quarters with Captain 
2 Wikx, who resides on the point and is one of the three 
magistrates of that island. Getting into discourse with him, 
we could learn nothing of any general design that the English 
might have, up to this time, of invading the South River, but 
he had understood that it belonged to Maryland, and they 
were bound, by agreement, to aid in maintaining my Lord 
Balthamoor's patent, or right and title. We replied on the 
contrary and said, we should be able to prove that the river 
belonged to us of old and to no one else, and whoever should 
wish to have it, must, by force of arms, wrest it from us; 
but that we, in the meantime, were prepared, and that 100 
soldiers had already arrived and that in case of need fully 100 
more might be expected, to defend the river to the last man. 
But we hoped that the English, with whom we had lived so 
long in neighborly friendship, would not try to get another 
man's land and rights, and thereby commence an open war, 
etc. From this conversation, he turned to certain news he 
had heard from Mr. Bateman, which Mr. Wright, the Indian 
interpreter, had brought down to Accomacq, from above the 
Bay, that in regard to the war which the Indians and the 
English are at present waging against one another, the former 
acknowledged that they were incited by the Dutch of the 
Hoerekill to murder the English, and that it happened in the 
following manner. A certain Indian came to a Dutchman 
in the Hoerekill and told him that he intended to kill a Dutch- 
man because his father had been formerly slain by one. To 
which the Dutchman answered, that his father had been killed 
by the English and not by the Dutch, and therefore that he 
should revenge himself on one of the former. Thereupon the 

1 Poole's Island. 

a Blank in original. Joseph Wicks; Archives of Maryland, I. 382. 



318 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659 

Indian went off and slew an Englishman, and in this way the 
war commenced. It was suspected that the Dutch had not 
only secretly fomented it, but had furnished the Indians with 
powder and ball and guns, with which they were most abun- 
dantly supplied, a circumstance that the English took very 
ill. At first denying, then extenuating the case, I inquired 
the name of the Dutchman who had given the Indian such 
counsel; but he answered, he did not know; in such matters no 
witnesses were called, but things were done in secret, so that 
he could not be persuaded to the contrary. 

We further inquired for a boat to convey us thence to the 
Governor and back, as our little skiff could not be used any 
longer, and was, also, too small. He offered us his own, but 
inquired what security he should have that he would get the 
boat back or be paid for it, as he had frequently before been 
deceived in that manner. To which we stated, that we could 
not give him any other security than our words and creden- 
tials, and that we should draw for security and payment on 
Mr. Brouwne, who, we presumed, was arrived with his ketch 
at Seavorn. And so we agreed at 20 lbs. of tobacco per day 
for the boat, and 20 lbs. tobacco for one man to accompany us, 
which was the lowest terms we could agree on. Otherwise, 
we should have been greatly perplexed, as we could not learn 
of any other opportunity here. We found here V 

wife, who said she had come away with her husband's con- 
sent, as he intended to follow her; but when we offered her 
pardon if she were willing to return with us, Captain Wikx 
complained that she was so lazy that she did not earn her salt; 
whereupon we observed, that it was easy to infer from this, 
that she had run away from the South River through laziness 
and unwillingness to work. 

October 4. We sailed or rowed over to Seavorne to see if 
Mr. Brown had arrived there and would accept the draft, 
but he had not come. Captain Wicx wished to lodge us that 
night at Colonel Utie's, who, we understood, was at his plan- 
tation at Seavorn, but we declined, saying that we believed he 
was above on his island, as there had been so much firing, 
and so we took up our quarters, it being dark, at the house 
of Mr. ,* father-in-law of Godtfried Harmer, the Indian 

' x Blanks in original. 



1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 319 

trader, who, only a few days before, had gone up to his plan- 
tation; but his wife and child were at home. We gave the 
former to understand that our nation attributed great blame 
to Godtfried for enticing and transporting our fugitives from 
New Amstel, and that he would, therefore, do well to get the 
runaways back again there. Whereupon his father-in-law 
and mother-in-law excused him, saying that they had come, 
from time to time, to him, and had eaten him so bare that he 
would scarce have food enough for himself for the winter, and 
that he could not get the people to return nor could he refuse 
them a night's lodging, with many other excuses and com- 
plaints that the majority of the people they had seen, and 
even a poor, old man, with his wife and child, whom they had 
received in the greatest misery, were utterly idle and lazy, 
and not worth their food; nay, that they were too lazy to 
wash their own spoons and the plates which they ate off. 
We again took occasion to answer, that it was evident enough 
from this, that the people had not run away on account of 
the badness of the place, nor on account of ill-treatment, but 
because they had neglected, at the time, to do anything for a 
living and had come to Virginia to gain the bread of idleness. 
But it was replied, with all that, many had died of hunger, 
and the people had been refused bread for money, etc. To 
this we again replied, that this could not be supposed to be 
true. Nevertheless, even had they suffered any wrong, they 
must complain to the General and Council of New Nether- 
land and not run to a strange nation. To which they made 
answer, that the Director in the South River 1 had refused and 
prevented their passage; with many other debates, too long 
to be here stated, the substance whereof was finally as follows : 
That the General and Council of New Netherland should pub- 
lish a general pardon so that each may re-establish himself, 
and that the condition of the colony be redressed, and that 
those who will not remain there but wish to go to the Man- 
hattans, be conveyed thither. The old man, who is a farmer 
and husbandman, promised to accompany us back to the 
Manhattans, but not to remain in the colony, which was 
allowed him. We understood, also, that there were many in 

1 Alrichs. 



320 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659 

Seavorne who hired themselves and their children as servants. 
We requested that they be notified to return. 

October 5: (7 ber 25. ) J Sunday. Rising early in the morn- 
ing, gave a draft on Mr. Brouwne to pay Captain Josiae Wiks, 
on account of General Stuyvesant, in New Netherland, so 
much of his goods for the hire or use of the boat, to the value 
of 20 lbs. of tobacco, and for one man to accompany us, also 
20 lbs. of tobacco, the amount whereof should be stated on our 
return, and reimbursed in beavers or other articles at the Man- 
hattans. But this was not sufficient for Captain Wicks; he 
made us sign an obligation that we should deliver his boat 
safe at his house, or pay therefor 1500 /6s. of tobacco, at Sea- 
vorne or Kent, or make it good in brandy at the Manhattans. 
Being thus agreed, we received intelligence that Colonel Utie 
was at home at his plantation, and Captain Wicks importuned 
us to pay him a visit. But we answered that we dare not lose 
the opportunity of wind and weather, and that our message 
to the Governor required dispatch, and therefore Colonel Utie 
must excuse us from visiting him. As it was Sunday, he 
would probably entertain us too elaborately and detain us, for 
which we could not answer, and thus, with such like excuses, 
we set forth on our journey, with a fair breeze and fine weather, 
which brought us towards evening to May Billingsly's plan- 
tation at the Cliffs, estimated to be miles from Seavorn. 
We did not observe any public preparations against the 
South River. 

October 6: (September 26). Monday. Reached Potucxen 
river towards evening, where our people requested a night's 
lodging at Mr. Coerse's. 2 He welcomed us politely, being one 
of the Council with whom we had divers friendly conversa- 
tions, and observed that Colonel Utie had been authorized to 
state at the colony of New Amstel that it was seated within 
their limits, and should therefore submit to them, but not to 
go to work with such menaces; and he was not well pleased 

1 The double notation of dates at this point and subsequently marks the 
period of divergence between the Julian calendar and the Gregorian — Septem- 
ber 25 O. S., October 5 N. S. The Dutch at this time used the new style, the 
English and Swedes the old. 

2 Henry Coursey. 



1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 321 

that, on that account, 100 soldiers, as we stated, had gone 
thither, for whose sakes we urged the more to hasten our 
journey. We also learned here that my Lord Balthamoer's 
patent dated only from about the year 1634, * to which we 
answered that our patent was issued nearly forty years ago. 
Whereupon they claimed to derive theirs originally from Sir 
Walther Ralegh since the year 1584, and we, on the other 
hand, take our origin, as vassals and subjects, from the King 
of Spain, then the first finder and founder of all America. 
Thus we finally concluded our conversation, with the hope, 
which we mutually expressed, that this matter might be 
settled and adjusted without bloodshed, and thereupon parted. 

October 7: (September 27). Tuesday. Left our boat there 
and marched a-foot overland nine English miles, to the sec- 
retary's, Mr. Philip Calvert, 2 and Mr. Coersy conducted us full 
three English miles on the right road. Reaching Mr. Calvert's 
plantation early in the afternoon, we sent two of our people in 
advance to announce our approach and that we could not 
forbear paying him our respects, requesting passage across his 
creek to Mr. Ooverzee's [Overzee's], with whom we proposed to 
lodge, whereupon he invited us in, and after salutation we 
informed him that we had been sent by the Governor-General 
and Council of New Netherland to the Governor and Council 
of Maryland on weighty affairs, requesting him, therefore, with 
all speed, to be pleased to send intelligence thereof to the 
Governor, who lived English miles farther up, and to 
recommend that we have an early audience and dispatch. 
We then took our leave, crossed the creek and arrived at Mr. 
Symon Overzee's, to whom we were very welcome guests. 

October 8: (September 28). Wednesday. Mr. Overzee hav- 
ing invited the secretary, Mr. Philip Calvert, to dine, he came, 
being the next neighbor, early in the forenoon to visit us, 
whom we again requested, in Mr. Overzee's presence, to inform 
Governor Fendall, 3 as early as possible, of our coming, so that 
we may have an audience and be dismissed without delay, as 

1 The patent or charter of Maryland was dated June 20, 1632. The colonists 
sailed in November, 1633, and the settlement in Maryland was begun March 25, 
1634. 

2 A younger half-brother of Cecil Lord Baltimore. 
8 Josias Fendall, governor 1656-1660. 



322 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659 

the business was of great consequence, and caused daily great 
expenses not only as regards ourselves individually, who had, 
in addition, at our cost, a boat with a man at 40 lbs. of to- 
bacco per day, but principally in regard to the military and 
other preparations and expenses, which were expressly await- 
ing our return with over 100 soldiers who had come from the 
Manhattans. Thereupon he promised to do his utmost, but 
that nothing could be effected before the next court, which 
was to meet on of October. We then conversed about New 
Netherland and Virginia, and the conveniences of both being 
considered, he wished Maryland may be so fortunate as to have 
cities and villages like the Manhattans. And hereabouts, we 
gave him to understand that Manhattans signified the entire 
country, having preserved the ancient name of the Indian na- 
tion among whom the Dutch had first settled. And in this way 
proceeded to the boundaries, when he said that the Maryland 
patent extended along the sea from 38 to 40 degrees, wherein 
Delowar bay was also included, and so across to Pamans 1 Island 
and thence to the source of Potomock River. To which we 
observed, that the 38 th to the 40 th degree must be understood 
[to apply] only to the upper part of Cheseapeak Bay, and 
that then the colony of Virginia extended from the lower part 
of the said bay to the sea. To this he replied: Not so; and 
that it was expressly stipulated that they should extend unto 
New England, whereupon we inquired: If they wish to touch 
New England, where would New Netherland be in that case? 
He answered: He knew not. And we said, that therefore we, 
both of us, well knew that such was a mistake ; that our people 
were in possession of New Netherland and had settled on that 
place several years before Lord Balthamoer had obtained his 
patent; further alleging, among other things, that Sir Edm. 
Ployten 2 had, in former times, set up a claim to Delowar Bay, 
and that, therefore, one claim must be as good as the other. 

1 Palmer's Island, now generally called Watson's Island, lies within the mouth 
of the Susquehanna River, but south of the fortieth degree of north latitude. 

2 Plowden. In 1634 Sir Edmund Plowden received a patent under the great 
seal of Ireland for a palatine province called New Albion, embracing the present 
New Jersey, Long Island, eastern Pennsylvania, and parts of Delaware and 
Maryland. Little came of the grant; for its history, see Winsor, Narrative 
and Critical History of America, III. 457-46S. 



1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 323 

Whereunto he replied that Ploythen had had no commission, 
and lay in jail in England on account of his debts, relating 
that he had solicited a patent for Nova Albium from the King, 
but it was refused him, and he thereupon applied to the 
Viceroy of Ireland, from whom he had obtained a patent, but 
that it was of no value. Hereupon we confounded him by 
his own words, and said, that it was not certain whether my 
Lord Balthamoer's claim to Delowar Bay, should he have any, 
was not obtained by falsehood and misrepresentation, since it 
was very probable that the King of England would not have 
done anything against us, as he once had knowledge of, and 
consented to, the Dutch plantation of New Netherland, and 
had most expressly ordered and commanded those of Vir- 
ginia and New England, as we should prove by their own 
English authorities, not to approach within one hundred 
leagues 1 of each other. It was, therefore, clear and evident, 
if their patent set forth that they could go as far as New 
England, that it was fraudulently obtained and of no value 
whatsoever. 

October 9: (September 29). Thursday. Nothing occurred, 
except drawing up our proposals, which we thought best to do 
in English, in order to bring matters sooner to a speedy 
conclusion. 

October 10: (September 30). Friday. Again, nothing has 
occurred, except that we heard the secretary has communi- 
cated our arrival to the Governor by a letter forwarded 
from constable to constable. He invited us to dinner on 
Sunday. 

October Y, Saturday. Again, nothing special has occurred. 
We are impatiently waiting for the Governor's answer. 

October y, Sunday. Accompanied Mr. Overzee to Secre- 
tary Calvert's to dinner, where Mr. Doughty, the minister, 2 
accidentally called. .After dinner talked about his charts or 
maps of the country, of which he laid on the table two that 

1 One hundred miles. (Virginia patent of 1606.) 

2 Francis Doughty, one of the first Presbyterian ministers in America, 
founded Mespath near Newtown on Long Island in 1642, and preached there, 
but in 1655 removed to Maryland, his daughter, the widow of Adriaen van der 
Donck, having married a Maryland settler. See Narratives of New Netherland, 
pp. 334, 366, 401. 



324 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659 

were engraved and one in manuscript. One was printed at 
Amsterdam, by direction of Captain Smith, the first dis- 
coverer of the great bay of Chesapeack, or Virginia; the 
second appeared also to be printed at Amsterdam, at the time 
of Lord Balthamoer's patent; we knew not by whom or where 
the manuscript one was drawn. All differed, one from the 
other. He wished to prove from them the extent of Lord 
Balthamoer's boundaries, but we, on the contrary, showed 
and maintained that if Chesapeak Bay ran, above, so crooked 
towards the northeast, they would come so far within our line. 
To this, he asked how could that be, for the English first dis- 
covered and possessed all these parts. Thereunto, we an- 
swered that the Dutch came but three years later in our parts 
than they in theirs. To which he replied, that they took their 
beginning from Sir Walder Ralegh; and we said, then we de- 
rive our origin from the King of Spain. But, he retorted, 
you were then not yet a free and independent nation. Where- 
upon he was told that the King of Spain was, at the time of the 
discovery of America, our king, and we were as much his 
vassals and subjects as they were the subjects of their king 
or republic of England, but afterwards, when we were obliged 
to take up arms, and achieved our liberty, the King of Spain 
conveyed over and to us, in full propriety, by lawful right and 
title, all his own and other conquered lands in Europe and 
America. 1 To this, he said that the King of Spain was, indeed, 
in the West Indies, but not so far to the north, and that the 
English were the first discoverers. And we again observed 
that the contrary could be proved from Spanish journals and 
chronicles, and also that even the French had, in the year 
1524, 2 been before them in these parts. Lastly, being half 
angry, he demanded whether the English had not been the 
first in Delowar bayj for it obtained its name from them. 
And we answered, No; that the Dutch had been the first in 
the river, long before Lord Delowar ever came to Virginia, 3 
and we again asked: What right had the Kings of Spain, 
France or England, more than the Hollanders or the Dutch, 

1 By the treaty of Minister, in 1648, Spain confirmed to the Dutch the pos- 
session of their colonies in regions formerly claimed by Spain. 

2 The allusion is to the voyage of Verrazano. 

3 There is no evidence in support of this statement. 



1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 325 

to the New World — America? But these and such like dis- 
courses, running higher and higher, were left off; he said he 
had invited us as a welcome to the country, and thencefor- 
ward we conversed on other subjects, and parted from one 
another with expressions of friendship. 

October x -i, Monday. Nothing occurred. 

October V 4 , Tuesday. This being court day at Potuxen, 
and Mr. Overzee going thither, we deemed it advisable to 
have a brief request presented to [the court] for audience and 
a place of reception, copy whereof is hereunto annexed. 

October V> Wednesday. In the evening, about sunset, we 
received in answer an invitation written by Philip Calvert, 
in the name and on the behalf of the Governor and Coun- 
cil, that we should have an audience at the house of Mr. 
Bateman, sending, with this view, two horses to convey us 
there. 

October y 5 , Thursday. We took our departure in the morn- 
ing from Mr. Overzee's for Mr. Bateman's, at Potucxen, being 
about eighteen or twenty English miles, and about between 
three and four o'clock in the afternoon, arrived Governor 
Josiah Fendall with the secretary Philip Calvert and the 
councillors William Stone, Thomas Gerrard, Nathaniel Utye, 
Edward Loyd, Luke Barber, Baker Broukx, 1 who, after hav- 
ing welcomed us, and, after we had complimented them on 
the part of our Director General and Council of New Nether- 
land, thanked us cordially; and dinner being ready, the Gov- 
ernor said he would give us an audience after we had dined. 
And, sitting down to table, they placed me beside the Governor 
on his left hand ; on his right sat Philip Calvert, the secretary, 
next to him Resolved Waldron, and so on the other members 
of the Council around the table. During the dinner a varied 
conversation was held. 

The cloth having been removed, we were invited to the 
audience, and after we had again presented the friendly, 
neighborly respects and compliments of the Honorable Director 
General and Council of New Netherland, we delivered, in the 
first place, our letters of credence, which the Governor, open- 
ing and seeing that they were written in Dutch, had Mr. 
Overzee called to translate them. Meanwhile, their sub- 

1 Brooks. 



326 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659 

stance being stated, we proceeded to deliver our speech 1 in 
English, by way of declaration and manifest, which, for this 
purpose, we had previously committed to paper. In order that 
no mistake may be hereafter pleaded in the one or the other, 
we gave the secretary the original, with the request that he 
would be pleased to collate it with us, and we distinctly 
and clearly read the duplicate, which we moreover delivered 
under the seal of our commission, with the statement, at the 
end of the certificate, that that was all we had to say and to 
propose at that time, on the part and in the name of the 
Director General and Council, subscribing the same with our 
own hand, in the presence of all; and we exchanged the du- 
plicate for the original, and the original again for the copy, 
which we kept for ourselves, and left them the other. 

We perceived a great change, for some of the Council, as 
it seems, had no correct knowledge of what passed; and the 
Governor, in answer, inquired whether his letter, which he 
had sent with or by Colonel Utie, had not been shown to the 
Governor General of the Manhattans? We replied, No: his 
Honor had not seen any formal letter, but that we had, indeed, 
understood, at the South River, that Mr. Allericks 2 had re- 
ceived a private letter in answer to his, but without day or 
date, or place where written, whereof the Director General 
and Council did not take any notice. Whereupon the Gov- 
ernor made answer, that he had nothing to do with the gov- 
ernment of the Manhattans, but with the governor and people 
who had lately seated themselves within his limits in Delo- 
war Bay, to whom they had sent Colonel Uty; not that he 
should have communicated his instruction which had been 
given him for his guidance and vindication only, as we were 
not obliged to deliver our instruction to them. To this we 
replied, that the governor and people in the South River were 
not a separate, but subaltern and dependent government, 
and simply deputy governor and members of New Nether- 
land, so that whatever was presented and given to them in 

1 An English translation of the letter of Governor Stuyvesant, together with 
the speech of the envoys and the reply of the Governor and Council, is printed 
in full in Archives of Maryland, III. 366-378. 

2 Jacob Alrichs was director of the Dutch colony of New Amstel, possessed 
at this time by the city of Amsterdam, yet deemed a part of New Netherland. 



1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 327 

the matter of high jurisdiction, etc., did not affect them but 
the General and Council, and consequently, the whole state 
of New Netherland, and the lords proprietors thereof; yea, 
the sovereignty of Their High Mightinesses. Whereunto he 
again rejoined, that they did not know nor understand any 
better than that the governor in Delowar derived his com- 
mission from the city of Amsterdam, and had come with his 
people to settle there as a separate government. To which 
we again answered, No; but that the city of Amsterdam 
owned the place as a colony and particular district of New 
Netherland, which was similar, in manner and style, to their 
counties in Virginia or Maryland, and we had more such 
colonies planted in New Netherland, so that whatever injury 
was done to the colony of New Amstel, was, I say, inflicted on 
the entire state of New Netherland. Meanwhile, Colonel 
Nathaniel Utie began to bluster and to say, that they ought 
not to take any notice at all of this matter; his acts had been 
directed against a people that had intruded into my Lord 
Balthamore's province, and if the Governor and Council 
will again command him, he will again act as he had done. 
We rejoined thereto, If he returned and comported himself as 
he had done, he would lose the name of ambassador and be 
dealt by as a disturber of the public peace, because a deputy 
or ambassador could not attempt anything except to notify 
the magistracy and regents of the place in a courteous manner 
of his embassy; but to summon a place by fire and sword 
was the style of avowed enmity, war and hostility. To this 
he replied, that he had done nothing in contradiction to his 
commission and instructions. To which we rejoined, that they 
had only to look at the answer he had brought back, which 
would clearly show how he had acted. And he, thereupon, 
further said, that he heard they had threatened to send him to 
Holland; he only wished they had done so. We replied, that 
should he return and act as he had done, probably he would 
not fare any better. Whereupon he inquired, how, then, 
should he behave? He had certainly sent two men before 
him to announce his approach; afterwards put up at the 
public tavern, and was he, then, not to walk out and see the 
place and converse with the people who requested to have 
some discourse with him? To which we again remonstrated, 



328 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 1659 

that he was at liberty to see the place and converse with the 
people, but not to excite them to revolt and rebellion against 
their magistrates, and threaten them with being plundered and 
driven off in case they would not willingly surrender. So that 
these criminations and recriminations being bandied somewhat 
sharply and angrily, especially by the colonel, the Governor 
was pleased to put a stop to him, and we were at liberty to ex- 
press our meaning without any interruption, whereupon we 
referred entirely to our manifest and declaration, and to the 
answer which Colonel Uty himself had brought from New 
Amstel. We requested that such might be taken into con- 
sideration and that no frivolous discourses be allowed. 

The Governor submitted to the Council, among other things, 
that we had come without asking proper permission, which 
Colonel Uty ought to have given and signified. To which we 
answered that we were not acquainted with the state and form 
of their government, but that we should in future regulate 
ourselves according to such custom as may be pleasing to 
them to establish in such cases. Hereupon, Colonel Utie 
began again to exclaim, saying that we ought to have first rec- 
ognized him and gone to his island, and inquired if we should 
be permitted to proceed farther, adding in so many words 
that, had he met us, or had he known of our coming, he would 
have detained us there, and not allowed us to go on. But 
one of the Council softened that expression by saying that we 
should have been furnished with a better boat and accommo- 
dation, for we had stated that we had come down in a small, 
leaky boat, and dared not venture from the shore. But we 
readily discovered that, had we not done our best to avoid 
Colonel Utie on the way, he would have at once endeavored to 
prevent our design. 

At length, after some debate, we were invited to with- 
draw, and, after a short deliberation, were recalled and in- 
formed that they had acted by special order and command 
of Lord Balthamoore, whose right and jurisdiction they are 
sworn to maintain, and that they would exhibit Lord Baltha- 
moer's patent on the morrow, until when they should defer 
any further public business, and pass the remainder of the 
evening over a glass of wine, promising, on our request, to dis- 
miss us by next Saturday. 



1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 329 

Meanwhile, we proceeded now and then to engage one and 
another of them in private conversation, in the first place 
to dispose them to a friendly course, and to have the claim 
they set up to our limits, and we to theirs, decided by commis- 
sioners, in order to avoid further mischief and bloodshed ; and 
in the second place, to agree to an intimate correspondence 
and confederation for reciprocal trade and intercourse. We 
found the majority of them favorably inclined to this view, 
but yet, they gave it to be understood that it was not in their 
power, and that they had no other commission than to defend 
Lord Balthamoor's lawful patent. This they were disposed 
to do, however, with all possible and justifiable prudence. 

I had also a private conversation on that point with the 
Governor, who declared that he would prefer to continue in 
peace and quietness than to live in hostility and war. 

October V, Friday morning. After breakfast, the Governor 
and Council laid before us Lord Balthamoore's patent, and 
read to us the article respecting his jurisdiction. We re- 
quested a copy thereof, when we should answer it. We were 
then allowed to make an extract of it ourselves. Mean- 
while, the Governor and Council went to hold their court at 
the next plantation, whilst we, in the meantime, had time to 
read and reread the above mentioned patent, and to extract 
the point respecting the boundary, to which we drew up on 
paper a written refutation. For we found that it was set 
forth in the preamble that Lord Balthamoer had applied to 
and petitioned His Majesty for a tract of country in America, 
which was neither cultivated nor planted, but only inhabited 
as yet by barbarous Indians. In answer whereunto, we 
maintained that our South River, called of old Nassaw River, 
had been long before occupied, appropriated and purchased 
by us in virtue of a commission and grant of Their High 
Mightinesses the Lords States General of the United Nether- 
lands, and therefore that it was His Royal Majesty's inten- 
tion and justice not to have given away and granted that part 
of a country which had been previously taken possession of 
and settled by the subjects of Their High Mightinesses the 
Lords States General, as already declared and demonstrated, 
and that Lord Balthamor's patent was invalid where it makes 
mention of Delowar Bay, or any part thereof, as well as in 



330 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659 

various other respects and particulars. We requested a note 
might be made of this. The Governor and Council returning 
in the afternoon, and supper being over 7 we delivered the 
above mentioned answer in writing, having read the same 
aloud. Whereupon we perceived another change, and the 
Governor made his defence : That, on the contrary, our asser- 
tion and action were invalid, for the aforesaid patent was 
granted by the King, with full knowledge and understanding 
of the case, that Delowar Bay should remain and belong to the 
English, and demanded a view of our patent to New Nether- 
land or Delowar Bay. We answered that at that time we did 
not have to show it, much less had we come for that purpose, 
but only to prepare a way for a future meeting of deputies on 
both sides, then to dispose chiefly of that point, agreeably to 
our advice contained in our declaration. The Governor 
thereupon made answer that they then need not have ex- 
hibited their patent either, from which we concluded that 
they regretted having discovered and exposed themselves so 
far, saying if that part of the patent was invalid, or if they 
yielded it, the entire patent might then become void. We 
replied that we drew no inferences on that subject except so 
far as it concerned us, and they set up a claim to our limits. 
Whereupon the Governor rejoined: That Col. Clabborne 1 had 
heretofore set up the same exception against Lord Baltha- 
moer in regard to the Island of Kent, of which said Col. Clab- 
bort held that he had taken actual possession before the afore- 
said patent had been granted, but that it did not avail, and 
fared badly with him, so that he was obliged to beg his life 
from Lord Balthemor. To this we answered that this was a 
different case; that we were not subjects of England, but a 
free, sovereign people belonging to the Dutch nation, who, as 
we had already declared, had as much right to take possession 
of any lands in America as any other nation. And with this 
and such like debates, was the meeting adjourned for the night. 
October V; Saturday. The Governor and Council [being 
met in order to our] 2 dismissal, they again demanded the ex- 
hibition of the patent we had to the South River. We gave 
them for answer as before, that we had not brought it with 
us, but referred that point to future comissioners on both 

1 Claiborne. 2 Manuscript destroyed. 



1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 331 

sides, and we again withdrew. They drew up their answer, 
which they read to us who were called in for that purpose. 

Hereupon we asked their Honors whether this writing con- 
tained all they had to dispatch by us. To this they declared, 
they had nothing else; but that they persisted therein. We 
then again inquired, how we were to act in the matter of our 
military; whether all further hostility and encroachment 
should cease, and we might safely send back our garrisons 
and soldiers, or whether we must let them continue there. 
To this they answered, that we must please ourselves in that 
matter, and they would act as they thought best. Where- 
unto we replied, that we should in that case remain on our 
defensive, as we had declared and protested, and that we 
hoped nevertheless that they would not be guilty of any 
clandestine and sudden attack, as is usual in public and 
open war, but according to the custom in neighborly and 
public peace and alliance between nations, first give notice 
and warning that friendship is at an end. To which they 
rejoined: that they should act therein as would be most 
advisable. We further inquired, what was to be the under- 
standing on the subject of our fugitives, and received for 
answer that they should, by law, oblige such as were in debt 
to pay, but they did not mean to send them back, inasmuch 
as they considered the people in Delowar Bay to be under 
their jurisdiction, and consequently were not fugitives from 
the General and Council of the Manhattans. Whereupon we 
replied, that we too would adhere to the lex talionis, in order 
to act in like manner towards their fugitives. And thus ter- 
minated our meeting and business. 

The Governor also asked what Dutch Swedes meant — why 
we named them so in our declaration? And we answered, 
because the greatest number of them were partners of Dutch- 
men and formerly resorted under the Hon ble Company's juris- 
diction, and had been heretofore winked at and tolerated, 
until they began to be so insolent in the river as not to hesi- 
tate forcibly to seize, in a treacherous manner, on Fort New 
Amstel, previously Casimier, whereby the General and Council 
of New Netherland were compelled and obliged to clear and 
purge the river, once for all, of such dishonest and hypocritical 
friends. 



332 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659 

October y> Sunday morning. Again, having breakfasted, 
their Honors' answer, fairly written out by the secretary, was 
placed in our hands, and so took a most friendly leave, as we 
could not but perceive, that were it in their power they would 
willingly incline to a friendly agreement, but that they must 
first have authority to that effect from Lord Balthamoer, or 
otherwise wait for such order as he may send respecting it this 
summer; for I so understood, in private conversation, from 
the secretary, Philip Calvert, who is Lord Balthamoer's half- 
brother, that they expected something to this purpose, though 
they knew not what; for Lord Balthamoer had, last year, 
ordered them to inform him what they had done with the 
people of Delowar Bay, to which they had answered, that they 
could not yet write anything as to the effect, but that they 
intended to do so and so. 

We had likewise some private conversation on the sub- 
ject of establishing mutual trade and commerce, overland, 
between Maryland and Delowar Bay, which, I assured him, 
could easily be carried on, as soon as this question was termi- 
nated and the limits on both sides adjusted. I recommended 
him to notify his brother thereof, in order to engage him 
therein in all reasonableness, for not only his province in gen- 
eral, but himself in particular, would be most highly benefited 
by such trade, so that an effort might then be made to estab- 
lish an easy passage by land for mutual intercourse. 

He also particularly inquired about the hill, which we had 
proposed in our declaration for a neutral meeting, where the 
Sassafrax River, in Virginia, and the creek which enters the 
South River behind Reedy Island, seem to take their rise; 
and we are to institute and make further inquiry respecting 
that hill at the earliest opportunity. 

Finally, we returned together from Patuxen river to St. 
Mary's, to our quarters at Master Simon Overzee's. 

October f$, Monday. Nothing particular occurred, except 
preparing to dispatch things with Resolved Waldron to the 
South River and the Manhattans. 

October \\, Tuesday. Sent off the said Resolved Waldron 
on his return overland, with the reports, papers and documents 
respecting our negotiations, and I set out for Virginia to ascer- 
tain the opinions of the Governor and others there concerning 



1659] JOURNAL OF THE DUTCH EMBASSY 333 

this matter, and thus to create some diversion between them 
both; also to clear ourselves, at the same time, of the slander 
which some people seek to attach to us, that we had excited 
the Indians to massacre the English at Accomacq. 

God grant that the whole may redound to the glory of His 
name and the general advantage and safety of us all, and 
that we may be directed by His Divine Majesty. Amen. 

In haste, 

Augustine HerrmIan]. 1 

To the honorable, worshipful, wise and very prudent Mr. 
Cornells van Ruyven, to be delivered to the Hon. Director 
General and Council of New Netherland. 

1 Manuscript imperfect. 



A CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARY- 
LAND, BY GEORGE ALSOP, 1666 



INTRODUCTION 

Of George Alsop little is known beyond what is disclosed 
by his own statements. He appears to have been born in 
London of parents in moderate or humble circumstances, 
and was apprenticed to some manual trade or handicraft. 
From his brief period of service, two years, it may be sus- 
pected that he did not complete his term of indenture. He 
admits in the dedication to Lord Baltimore that he was "wilde 
and confused," and the letters purporting to have been written 
to his father and brother aboard ship, just before sailing, in- 
dicate that he had embarked for Maryland in the capacity 
of an indentured servant. Persons who embarked for Mary- 
land without being able to pay passage money, which at this 
time amounted to about £6, entered into an agreement or 
indenture to work out their passage by service in the province. 
The usual term for which they became thus bound was four 
years. These persons were known as indentured, or more gen- 
erally as indented servants. At a later date they were called 
redemptioners. 1 

This author had in some way acquired a quantity of ill- 
assorted information, and also an extensive vocabulary, but 
was without sufficient education to enable him to make proper 
use of either. His style is therefore extravagant, inflated and 
grandiloquent. It is also coarse and vulgar, even for the 
seventeenth century. Certain passages which add nothing to 
the narrative, but were apparently inserted merely for the 
sake of their impropriety, have been omitted from the follow- 
ing text. 

1 For the terms of employment of indented servants see A Relation of Mary- 
land, p. 99, supra. 

337 



338 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

Alsop served according to the customary indenture or 
agreement for four years upon the plantation of Mr. Thomas 
Stockett, in Baltimore County, who was evidently a most 
humane and generous master; and he describes in this nar- 
rative the lot of an indented servant in Maryland as being both 
easy and alluring, especially in contrast with the struggle for 
life among the poorer classes in London. It is not unlikely 
that Alsop was able to practise some mechanical trade, and 
this fact alone would have secured for him consideration and 
good treatment in a colony where skilled artisans were few. 
His story no doubt describes his own personal experiences 
rather than general conditions throughout the province. 
The situation of laborers in the tobacco fields of southern 
Maryland was probably not so fortunate, but of this he would 
be likely to know little. At the period at which Alsop wrote 
the need of laborers to till the land was great in Maryland, 
and servants of all grades and capacities were in demand and 
valued. A century later a very different picture of the con- 
dition of the indented servants is presented in the letters of 
William Eddis (Letters from America, p. 63); but during that 
interval negro slaves from Africa had been introduced in 
large numbers, and there had been also the transportation 
from England of convicts who were sold into penal servitude. 
These conditions had completely revolutionized and lowered 
the condition of servants in the province. 

It may reasonably be assumed that Alsop was en- 
couraged and probably rewarded by Lord Baltimore for the 
preparation of this pamphlet, to be used as an inducement 
for persons to ship for Maryland in the capacity of servants. 
His statements are often exaggerated, but the truth of many of 
them is borne out by other authorities. Those which relate 
to facts within the range of his personal knowledge, may be 
regarded as reasonably trustworthy. Many of his opinions, 
such as, for instance, that the Indians were naturally white, 



INTRODUCTION 339 

and that their brown complexion was due to the use of dyes, 
are manifestly without foundation. 

This book was printed in London in 1666 and reprinted 
in New York among "Shea's Tracts" in 1869; and in 1880 by 
the Maryland Historical Society, Fund Publication no. 15. 
A limited edition de luxe was published in Cleveland in 1902 
under the editorship of Dr. N. D. Mereness. 

C. C. H. 



A CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARY- 
LAND, BY GEORGE ALSOP, 1666 

A Character of the Province of Mary-land, wherein is Described 
in four distinct Parts, (Viz.) 

I. The Scituation, and plenty of the Province. 
II. The Laws, Customs, and natural Demeanor of the 

Inhabitant. 
HI. The worst and best Usage of a Mary-Land Servant, 

opened in view. 
IV. The Trafjique, and vendable Commodities of the 
Countrey. 

Also, A small Treatise on the wilde and naked Indians (or 
Susquehanokes) of Mary-Land, their Customs, Manners, 
Absurdities, and Religion. Together with a Collection of 
Historical Letters By George Alsop. 

London, Printed by T. J. for Peter Dring, at the sign of the Sun 
in the Poultrey: 1666. 1 

To the Right Honorable Ccecilius Lord Baltemore, Absolute Lord 
and Proprietary of the Provinces of Mary-Land and Avalon 
in America. 

My Lord, 

I have adventured on your Lordships acceptance by 
guess; if presumption has led me into an Error that deserves 
correction, I heartily beg Indempnity, and resolve to repent 
soundly for it, and do so no more. What I present I know 
to be true, Experientia docetf It being an infallible Maxim, 
That there is no Globe like the occular and experimental view 
of a Countrey. And had not Fate by a necessary imploy- 
ment, confin'd me within the narrow walks of a four years 

1 Title-page of the original. 2 Experience teaches. 

340 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 341 

Servitude, and by degrees led me through the most intricate 
and dubious paths of this Countrey, by a commanding and 
undeniable Enjoynment, I could not, nor should I ever have 
undertaken to have written a line of this nature. 

If I have wrote or composed any thing that's wilde and 
confused, it is because I am so my self, and the world, as far 
as I can perceive, is not much out of the same trim; there- 
fore I resolve, if I am brought to the Bar of Common Law 
for any thing I have done here, to plead Non compos mentis, 
to save my Bacon. 

There is an old Saying in English, He must rise betimes that 
would please every one. And I am afraid I have lain so long 
a bed, that I think I shall please no body; if it must be 
so, I cannot help it. But as Feltham in his Resolves 1 says, 
In things that must be, 'tis good to be resolute; And there- 
fore what Destiny has ordained, I am resolved to wink, and 
stand to it. So leaving your Honour to more serious medita- 
tions, I subscribe my self, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship most 

Humble Servant, 

George Alsop. 

To all the Merchant Adventurers for Mary-Land, together with 
those Commanders of Ships that saile into that Province. 

Sirs, 

You are both Adventurers, the one of Estate, the other 
of Life: I could tell you I am an Adventurer too, if I durst 
presume to come into your Company. I have ventured to 
come abroad in Print, and if I should be laughed at for my 
good meaning, it would so break the credit of my Understand- 
ing, that I should never dare to shew my face upon the Ex- 
change of (conceited) Wits again. 

This dish of Discourse was intended for you at first, but it 
was manners to let my Lord have the first cut, the Pye being 
his own. I beseech you accept of the matter as 'tis drest, 
only to stay your stomachs, and Fie promise you the next 
shall be better done. 'Tis all as I can serve you in at present, 

1 Owen Felltham, Resolves, Divine, Moral, and Political (London, 1628, etc.). 



342 . NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

and it may be questionable whether I have served you in this 
or no. Here I present you with A Character of Mary-Land, 
it may be you will say 'tis weakly done, if you do I cannot 
help it, 'tis as well as I could do it, considering the several 
Obstacles that like blocks were thrown in my way to hinder 
my proceeding: The major part thereof was written in the 
intermitting time of my sickness, therefore I hope the afflict- 
ing weakness of my Microcosm may plead a just excuse for 
some imperfections of my pen. I protest what I have writ is 
from an experimental knowledge of the Country, and not 
from any imaginary supposition. If I am blamed for what I 
have done too much, it is the first, and I will irrevocably 
promise it shall be the last. There's a Maxim upon Tryals 
at Assizes, That if a thief be taken upon the first fault, if it be 
not to hainous, they only burn him in the hand and let him 
go : So I desire you to do by me, if you find any thing that 
bears a criminal absurdity in it, only burn me for my first fact 
and let me go. But I am affraid I have kept you too long 
in the Entry, I shall desire you therefore to come in and sit 
down. 

G. Alsop. 

The Preface to the Reader. 

The Reason why I appear in this place is, lest the general 
Reader should conclude I have nothing to say for my self; and 
truly he's in the right on't, for I have but little to say (for 
my self) at this time : For I have had so large a Journey, and 
so heavy a Burden to bring Mary-Land into England, that I 
am almost out of breath: Tie promise you after I am come to 
my self, you shall hear more of me. Good Reader, because 
you see me make a brief Apologetical excuse for my self, don't 
judge me; for I am so self-conceited of my own merits, that 
I almost think I want none. De Lege non judicandum ex sola 
linea, saith the Civilian; We must not pass judgement upon a 
Law by one line: And because we see but a small Bush at a 
Tavern door, conclude there is no Canary. For as in our 
vulgar Resolves 'tis said, A good face needs no Band, and an 
ill one deserves none : So the French Proverb sayes, Bon Vien 
il n'a faut point de Ensigne, Good Wine needs no Bush. I 
suppose by this time some of my speculative observers have 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 343 

judged me vainglorious; but if they did but rightly consider 
me, they would not be so censorious. For I dwell so far from 
Neighbors, that if I do not praise my self, no body else will: 
And since I am left alone, I am resolved to summon the Magna 
Charta of Fowles to the Bar for my excuse, and by their irre- 
vocable Statutes plead my discharge, For its an ill Bird will 
befoule her own Nest: Besides, I have a thousand Billings- 
gate 1 Collegians that will give in their testimony, That they 
never knew a Fish-woman cry stinking Fish. Thus leaving 
the Nostrils of the Citizens Wives to demonstrate what they 
please as to that, and thee (Good Reader) to say what thou 
wilt, I bid thee Farewel. 

Geo. Alsop. 



A Character of the Province of Mary-Land. 
CHAP. I. 

Of the situation and plenty of the Province of Mary-Land. 

Mary-Land is a Province situated upon the large extending 
bowels of America, under the Government of the Lord Balte- 
more, adjacent Northwardly upon the Confines of New-Eng- 
land, and neighbouring Southwardly upon Virginia, dwelling 
pleasantly upon the Bay of Chsesapike, between the Degrees of 
36 and 38, 2 in the Zone temperate, and by Mathematical com- 
putation is eleven hundred and odd Leagues in Longitude 
from England, being within her own imbraces extraordinary 
pleasant and fertile. Pleasant, in respect of the multitude of 
Navigable Rivers and Creeks that conveniently and most 
profitably lodge within the armes of her green, spreading, and 
-delightful Woods; whose natural womb (by her plenty) main- 
tains and preserves the several diversities of Animals that 
rangingly inhabit her Woods; as she doth otherwise generously 
fructifie this piece of Earth with almost all sorts of Vegetables, 
as well Flowers with their varieties of colours and smells, as 

1 Billingsgate, the great London fish-market. After this preface, six pages of 
verses are omitted. 

3 Should be 38 and 40. 



344 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

Herbes and Roots with their several effects and operative 
virtues, that offer their benefits daily to supply the want of 
the Inhabitant whene're their necessities shall Sub-poena them 
to wait on their commands. So that he, who out of curiosity 
desires to see the Landskip of the Creation drawn to the life, 
or to read Natures universal Herbal without book, may with 
the Opticks of a discreet discerning, view Mary-Land drest 
in her green and fragrant Mantle of the Spring. Neither do I 
think there is any place under the Heavenly altitude, or that 
has footing or room upon the circular Globe of this world, that 
can parallel this fertile and pleasant piece of ground in its 
multiplicity, or rather Natures extravagancy of a super- 
abounding plenty. 1 For so much doth this Country increase 
in a swelling Spring-tide of rich variety and diversities of all 
things, not only common provisions that supply the reaching 
stomach of man with a satisfactory plenty, but also extends 
with its liberality and free convenient benefits to each sensi- 
tive faculty, according to their several desiring Appetites. 
So that had Nature made it her business, on purpose to have 
found out a situation for the Soul of profitable Ingenuity, she 
could not have fitted herself better in the traverse of the whole 
Universe, nor in convenienter terms have told man, Dwell 
here, live plentifully and be rich. 

The Trees, Plants, Fruits, Flowers, and Roots that grow 
here in Mary-Land, are the only Emblems or Hieroglyphicks 
of our Adamitical or Primitive situation, as well for their 
variety as odoriferous smells, together with their vertues, 
according to their several effects, kinds and properties, which 
still bear the Effigies of Innocency according to their original 
Grafts; which by their dumb vegetable Oratory, each hour 
speaks to the Inhabitant in silent acts, That they need not 
look for any other Terrestrial Paradice, to suspend or tyre their 
curiosity upon, while she is extant. For within her doth 
dwell so much of variety, so much of natural plenty, that 
there is not any thing that is or may be rare, but it inhabits 
within this plentious soyle : So that those parts of the Creation 
that have borne the Bell away (for many ages) for a vegetable 
plentiousness, must now in silence strike and vayle all, and 

1 Compare A Brief e Relation of the Voyage unto Maryland, p. 45, and A 
Relation of Maryland, p. 79, supra. 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 345 

whisper softly in the auditual parts of Mary-Land, that None 
but she in this dwells singular; and that as well for that she 
doth exceed in those Fruits, Plants, Trees and Roots, that 
dwell and grow in their several Clymes or habitable parts of 
the Earth besides, as the rareness and super-excellency of her 
own glory, which she Sourishly abounds in, by the abundancy 
of reserved Rarities, such as the remainder of the World (with 
all its speculative art) never bore any occular testimony of 
as yet. I shall forbear to particularize those several sorts of 
vegetables that flourishingly grows here, by reason of the vast 
tediousness that will attend upon the description, which 
therefore makes them much more fit for an Herbal, than a 
small Manuscript or History. 

As for the wilde Animals of this Country, which loosely 
inhabits the Woods in multitudes, it is impossible to give you 
an exact description of them all, considering the multiplicity 
as well as the diversity of so numerous an extent of Creatures: 
But such as has fallen within the compass or prospect of my 
knowledge, those you shall know of; videlicet, the Deer, be- 
cause they are oftner seen, and more participated of by the 
Inhabitants of the Land, whose acquaintance by a customary 
familiarity becomes much more common than the rest of 
Beasts that inhabit the Woods by using themselves in Herds 
about the Christian Plantations. Their flesh, which in some 
places of this Province is the common provision the Inhabi- 
tants feed on, and which through the extreme glut and plenty 
of it, being daily killed by the Indians, and brought in to the 
English, as well as that which is killed by the Christian In- 
habitant, that doth it more for recreation, than for the benefit 
they reap by it. I say, the flesh of Venison becomes (as to 
food) rather denyed, than any way esteemed or desired. And 
this I speak from an experimental knowledge; For when I 
was under a Command, and debarr'd of a four years ranging 
Liberty in the Province of Mary-Land, the Gentleman whom 
I served my conditional and prefixed time withall, had at one 
time in his house fourscore Venisons, besides plenty of other 
provisions to serve his Family nine months, they being but 
seven in number; so that before this Venison was brought to 
a period by eating, it so nauseated our appetites and stomachs, 
that plain bread was rather courted and desired than it. 



346 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

The Deer here neither in shape nor action differ from our 
Deer in England: The Park they traverse their ranging and 
unmeasured walks in, is bounded and impanelFd in with no 
other pales then the rough and billowed Ocean: They are 
also mighty numerous in the Woods, and are little or not at 
all affrighted at the face of a man, but (like the Does of Whet- 
stons Park) 1 though their hydes are not altogether so gaudy 
to extract an admiration from the beholder, yet they will 
stand (all most) till they be scratcht. 

As for the Wolves, Bears, and Panthers of this Country, 
they inhabit commonly in great multitudes up in the re- 
motest parts of the Continent; yet at some certain time they 
come down near the Plantations, but do little hurt or injury 
worth noting, and that which they do is of so degenerate and 
low a nature, (as in reference to the fierceness and heroick 
vigour that dwell in the same kind of Beasts in other Coun- 
tries), that they are hardly worth mentioning: For the high- 
est of their designs and circumventing reaches is but cowardly 
and base, only to steal a poor Pigg, or kill a lost and half 
starved Calf. The Effigies of a man terrifies them dreadfully, 
for they no sooner espy him but their hearts are at their 
mouths, and their spurs upon their heels, they (having no 
more manners than Beasts) gallop away, and never bid them 
farewell that are behind them. 

The Elke, the Cat of the Mountain, the Rackoon, the Fox, 
the Beaver, the Otter, the Possum, the Hare, the Squirril, the 
Monack, 2 the Musk-Rat, and several others (whom Fie omit 
for brevity sake) inhabit here in Mary-Land in several droves 
and troops, ranging the Woods at their pleasure. 

The meat of most of these Creatures is good for eating, yet 
of no value nor esteem here, by reason of the great plenty of 
other provisions, and are only kill'd by the Indians of the 
Country for their Hydes and Furrs, which become very profit- 
able to those that have the right way of traffiquing for them, 
as well as it redounds to the Indians that take the pains to 
catch them, and to flay and dress their several Hydes, selling 

1 Whetstone Park is the name of a street in London between Lincoln's Inn 
Fields and High Holborn. The reference is evidently to frail females by whom 
in Alsop's time it was frequented. 

2 Probably this is a name for the woodchuck, or the chipmunk. 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 347 

and disposing them for such Commodities as their Heathenish 
fancy delights in. 

As for those Beasts that were carried over at the first 
seating of the Country, to stock and increase the situation, as 
Cows, Horses, Sheep and Hogs, they are generally tame, and 
use near home, especially the Cows, Sheep and Horses. The 
Hogs, whose increase is innumerable in the Woods, do dis- 
frequent home more than the rest of Creatures that are look'd 
upon as tame, yet with little trouble and pains they are slain 
and made provision of. Now they that will with a right His- 
torical Survey, view the Woods of Mary-Land in this par- 
ticular, as in reference to Swine, must upon necessity judge 
this Land lineally descended from the Gadarean Territories. 1 

Mary-Land (I must confess) cannot boast of her plenty of 
Sheep here, as other Countries; not but that they will thrive 
and increase here, as well as in any place of the World be- 
sides, but few desire them, because they commonly draw 
down the Wolves among the Plantations, as well by the sweet- 
ness of their flesh, as by the humility of their nature, in not 
making a defensive resistance against the rough dealing of a 
ravenous Enemy._ They who for curiosity will keep Sheep, 
may expect that after the Wolves have breathed themselves 
all day in the Woods to sharpen their stomachs, they will come 
without fail and sup with them at night, though many times 
they surfeit themselves with the sawce that's dish'd out of 
the muzzle of a Gun, and so in the midst of their banquet 
(poor Animals) they often sleep with their Ancestors. 

Fowls of all sorts and varieties dwell at their several times 
and seasons here in Mary-Land: The Turkey, the Woodcock, 
the Pheasant, the Partrich, the Pigeon, and others, especially 
the Turkey, whom I have seen in whole hundreds in flights 
in the Woods of Mary-Land, being an extraordinary fat Fowl, 
whose flesh is very pleasant and sweet. These Fowls that I 
have named are intayled from generation to generation to the 
Woods. The Swans, the Geese and Ducks (with other Water- 
Fowl) derogate in this point of setled residence; for they 
arrive in millionous multitudes in Mary-Land about the 
middle of September, and take their winged farewell about 
the midst of March: But while they do remain, and beleagure 

1 See Luke viii. 26-33. 



348 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

the borders of the shoar with their winged Dragoons, several 
of them are summoned by a Writ of Fieri facias, to answer 
their presumptuous contempt upon a Spit. 

As for Fish, which dwell in the watry tenements of the 
deep, and by a providential greatness of power, is kept for the 
relief of several Countries in the world (which would else sink 
under the rigid enemy of want), here in Mary-Land is a large 
sufficiency, and plenty of almost all sorts of Fishes, which live 
and inhabit within her several Rivers and Creeks, far beyond 
the apprehending or crediting of those that never saw the 
same, which with very much ease is catched, to the great re- 
freshment of the Inhabitants of the Province. 

All sorts of Grain, as Wheat, Rye, Barley, Oates, Pease, 
besides several others that have their original and birth from 
the fertile womb of this Land (and no where else), they all 
grow, increase, and thrive here in Mary-Land, without the 
chargable and laborious manuring of the Land with Dung; 
increasing in such a measure and plenty, by the natural rich- 
ness of the Earth, with the common, beneficial and convenient 
showers of rain that usually wait upon the several Fields of 
Grain (by a natural instinct), so that Famine (the dreadful 
Ghost of penury and want) is never known with his pale visage 
to haunt the Dominions of Mary-Land. 

Could'st thou (O Earth) live thus obscure, and now 
Within an Age, shew forth thy plentious brow 
Of rich variety, gilded with fruitful Fame, 
That (Trumpet-like) doth Heraldize thy Name, 
And tells the World there is a Land now found, 
That all Earth's Globe can't parallel its Ground? 
Dwell, and be prosperous, and with thy plenty feed 
The craving Carkesses of those Souls that need. 



CHAP. II. 

Of the Government and Natural disposition of the People. 

Mary-Land, not from the remoteness of her situation, but 
from the regularity of her well ordered Government, may 
(without sin, I think) be called Singular: And though she is 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 349 

not supported with such large Revenues as some of her Neigh- 
bours are, yet such is her wisdom in a reserved silence, and not 
in pomp, to shew her well-conditioned Estate, in relieving at 
a distance the proud poverty of those that wont be seen they 
want, as well as those which by undeniable necessities are 
drove upon the Rocks of pinching wants: Yet such a loath- 
some creature is a common and folding-handed Beggar, that 
upon the penalty of almost a perpetual working in Imprison- 
ment, they are not to appear, nor lurk near our vigilant and 
laborious dwellings. The Country hath received a general 
spleen and antipathy against the very name and nature of 
it; and though there were no Law provided (as there is) to 
suppress it, I am certainly confident, there is none within the 
Province that would lower themselves so much below the dig- 
nity of men to beg, as long as limbs and life keep house to- 
gether; so much is a vigilant industrious care esteem'd. 

He that desires to see the real Platform of a quiet and 
sober Government extant, Superiority with a meek and yet 
commanding power sitting at the Helme, steering the actions 
of State quietly, through the multitude and diversity of 
Opinionous waves that diversely meet, let him look on Mary- 
Land with eyes admiring, and he'le then judge her, The Miracle 
of this Age. 

Here the Roman Catholick, and the Protestant Episcopal, 
(whom the world would perswade have proclaimed open Wars 
irrevocably against each other) contrarywise concur in an 
unanimous parallel of friendship, and inseparable love in- 
tayled unto one another: 1 All Inquisitions, Martyrdom, and 
Banishments are not so much as named, but unexpressably 
abhorr'd by each other. 

The several Opinions and Sects that lodge within this 
Government, meet not together in mutinous contempts to dis- 
quiet the power that bears Rule, but with a reverend quietness 
obeys the legal commands of Authority. Here's never seen 
Five Monarchies 2 in a Zealous Rebellion, opposing the Rights 

1 Religious liberty and freedom of conscience were secured by law under 
the proprietary government. That there were religious animosities, however, was 
manifest during the sway of the commissioners of Parliament, 1652-1658. 

2 The sect known as "Fifth Monarchy Men" who made an uprising in Lon- 
don in 1661. 



350 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

and Liberties of a true setled Government, or Monarchical 
Authority: Nor did I ever see (here in Mary-Land) any of 
those dancing Adamitical Sisters, that plead a primitive In- 
nocency for their base obscenity, and naked deportment; but 
I conceive if some of them were there at some certain time of the 
year, between the Months of January and February, when 
the winds blow from the North- West quarter of the world, 
that it would both cool, and (I believe) convert the hottest of 
these Zealots from their burning and fiercest Concupiscence. 

The Government of this Province doth continually, by all 
lawful means, strive to purge her Dominions from such base 
corroding humors, that would predominate upon the least 
smile of Liberty, did not the Laws check and bridle in those 
unwarranted and tumultuous Opinions. And truly, where a 
Kingdom, State or Government, keeps or cuts down the 
weeds of destructive Opinions, there must certainly be a 
blessed Harmony of quietness. And I really believe this 
Land or Government of Mary-Land may boast, that she 
enjoys as much quietness from the disturbance of Rebellious 
Opinions, as most States or Kingdoms do in the world: For 
here every man lives quietly, and follows his labour and im- 
ployment desiredly; and by the protection of the Laws, they 
are supported from those molestious troubles that ever attend 
upon the Commons of other States and Kingdoms, as well as 
from the Aquafortial operation of great and eating Taxes. 
Here's nothing to be levyed out of the Granaries of Corn; 
but contrarywise, by a Law every Domestick Governor of a 
Family is enjoyned to make or cause to be made so much 
Corn by a just limitation, as shall be sufficient for him and his 
Family: So that by this wise and Janus-like providence, the 
thin-jawed Skeliton with his starv'd Carkess is never seen 
walking the Woods of Mary-Land to affrighten Children. 

Once every year within this Province is an Assembly 
called, and out of every respective County (by the consent 
of the people) there is chosen a number of men, and to 
them is delivered up the Grievances of the Country; and they 
maturely debate the matters, and according to their Con- 
sciences make Laws for the general good of the people; and 
where any former Law that was made, seems and is prejudicial 
to the good or quietness of the Land, it is repeal'd. These 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 351 

men that determine on these matters for the Republique, are 
called Burgesses, and they commonly sit in Junto about six 
weeks, being for the most part good ordinary Householders of 
the several Counties, which do more by a plain and honest 
Conscience, than by artificial Syllogisms drest up in gilded 
Orations. 

Here Suits and Tryals in Law seldome hold dispute two 
Terms or Courts, but according as the Equity of the Cause 
appears is brought to a period. The Temples and Grays- 
Inne are clear out of fashion here: Marriot 1 would sooner get 
a paunch-devouring meal for nothing, then for his invading 
Counsil. Here if the Lawyer had nothing else to maintain 
him but his bawling, he might button up his Chops, and burn 
his Buckrom Bag, or else hang it upon a pin untill its Antiquity 
had eaten it up with durt and dust: Then with a Spade, like 
his Grandsire Adam, turn up the face of the Creation, pur- 
chasing his bread by the sweat of his brows, that before was 
got by the motionated Water- works of his jaws. So contrary 
to the Genius of the people, if not to the quiet Government of 
the Province, that the turbulent Spirit of continued and 
vexatious Law, with all its querks and evasions, is openly and 
most eagerly opposed, that might make matters either du- 
bious, tedious, or troublesom. All other matters that would 
be ranging in contrary and improper Spheres, (in short) are 
here by the Power moderated, lower'd and subdued. All 
villanous Outrages that are committed in other States, are 
not so much as known here: A man may walk in the open 
Woods as secure from being externally dissected, as in his 
own house or dwelling. So hateful is a Robber, that if but 
once imagin'd to be so, he's kept at a distance, and shun'd 
as the Pestilential noysomness. 

It is generally and very remarkably observed, That those 
whose Lives and Conversations have had no other gloss nor 
glory stampt on them in their own Country, but the soma- 
tization of baseness, were here (by the common civilities and 
deportments of the Inhabitants of this Province) brought to 
detest and loath their former actions. Here the Constable 
hath no need of a train of Holberteers, 2 that carry more 

1 John Marriott, a lawyer of Gray's Inn, noted for his large appetite. 

2 Halberdiers. 



352 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

Armour about them, then heart to guard him: Nor is he ever 
troubled to leave his Feathered Nest to some friendly suc- 
cessor, while he is placing of his Lanthern-horn Guard at the 
end of some suspicious Street, to catch some Night-walker, or 
Batchelor of Leachery, that has taken his Degree three story 
high in a Bawdy-house. Here's no Newgates for pilfering 
Felons, nor Ludgates for Debtors, nor any Bridewels to lash 
the soul of Concupiscence into a chast Repentance. For as 
there is none of these Prisons in Mary-Land, so the merits 
of the Country deserves none, but if any be foully vitious, he 
is so reserv'd in it, that he seldom or never becomes popular. 
Common Alehouses, (whose dwellings are the only Receptacles 
of debauchery and baseness, and those Schools that trains up 
Youth, as well as Age, to ruine) in this Province there are 
none; 1 neither hath Youth his swing or range in such a pro- 
fuse and unbridled liberty as in other Countries; for from an 
antient Custom at the primitive seating of the place, the Son 
works as well as the Servant (an excellent cure for untam'd 
Youth), so that before they eat their bread, they are com- 
monly taught how to earn it; which makes them by that time 
Age speaks them capable of receiving that which their Parents 
indulgency is ready to give them, and which partly is by their 
own laborious industry purchased, they manage it with such 
a serious, grave and watching care, as if they had been Masters 
of Families, trained up in that domestick and governing power 
from their Cradles. These Christian Natives of the Land, 
especially those of the Masculine Sex, are generally conven- 
iently confident, reservedly subtle, quick in apprehending, 
but slow in resolving; and where they spy profit sailing towards 
them with the wings of a prosperous gale, there they become 
much familiar. The Women differ something in this point, 
though not much : They are extreme bashful at the first view, 
but after a continuance of time hath brought them acquainted, 
there they become discreetty familiar, and are much more 
talkative then men. All Complemental Courtships, drest up 
in critical Rarities, are meer strangers to them, plain wit comes 
nearest their Genius; so that he that intends to Court a Mary- 

1 This was probably true of Baltimore County where Alsop lived and where 
the population was sparse. There was a tavern at St. Mary's which at a later 
date (1686) was ordered suppressed on account of disorders occurring there. 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 353 

Land Girle, must have something more than the Tautologies 
of a long-winded speech to carry on his design, or else he may 
(for ought I know) fall under the contempt of her frown, and 
his own windy Oration. 

One great part of the Inhabitants of this Province are 
desiredly Zealous, great pretenders to Holiness; and where 
any thing appears that carries on the Frontispiece of its Effi- 
gies the stamp of Religion, though fundamentally never so 
imperfect, they are suddenly taken with it, and out of an 
eager desire to any thing that's new, not weighing the sure 
matter in the Ballance of Reason, are very apt to be catcht. 
Quakerism is the only Opinion that bears the Bell away: 
The Anabaptists have little to say here, as well as in other 
places, since the Ghost of John of Ley den 1 haunts their Con- 
venticles. The Adamite, Ranter, and Fift-Monarchy men, 
Mary-Land cannot, nay will not digest within her liberal 
stomach such corroding morsels: So that this Province is an 
utter Enemy to blasphemous 2 and zealous Imprecations, 
drain'd from the Lymbeck 3 of hellish and damnable Spirits, 
as well as profuse prophaness, that issues from the prodigality 
of none but cract-brain Sots. 

'Tis said the ,Gods lower down that Chain above, 
That tyes both Prince and Subject up in Love; 
And if this Fiction of the Gods be true, 
Few, Mary-Land, in this can boast but you: 
Live ever blest, and let those Clouds that do 
Eclipse most States, be alwayes Lights to you; 
And dwelling so, you may for ever be 
The only Emblem of Tranquility. 

1 Leader of the Anabaptists of Munster in 1534-1535. 
s Blasphemy was a punishable offence. See act concerning religion, p. 270, 
supra. 

» Alembic. 



354 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 



CHAP. III. 

The necessariness of Servitude proved, with the common usage 
of Servants in Mary-Land, together with their Priviledges. 

As there can be no Monarchy without the Supremacy of a 
King and Crown, nor no King without Subjects, nor any 
Parents without it be by the fruitful off-spring of Children; 
neither can there be any Masters, unless it be by the inferior 
Servitude of those that dwell under them, by a commanding 
enjoynment: And since it is ordained from the original and 
superabounding wisdom of all things, That there should be 
Degrees and Diversities amongst the Sons of men, in acknowl- 
edging of a Superiority from Inferiors to Superiors; the Ser- 
vant with a reverent and befitting Obedience is as liable to 
this duty in a measurable performance to him whom he serves, 
as the loyalest of Subjects to his Prince. Then since it is a 
common and ordained Fate, that there must be Servants as 
well as Masters, and that good Servitudes are those Colledges of 
Sobriety that checks in the giddy and wild-headed youth from 
his profuse and uneven course of life, by a limited constrain- 
ment, as well as it otherwise agrees with the moderate and 
discreet Servant: Why should there be such an exclusive 
Obstacle in the minds and unreasonable dispositions of many 
people, against the limited time of convenient and necessary 
Servitude, when it is a thing so requisite, that the best of 
Kingdoms would be unhing'd from their quiet and well setled 
Government without it. Which levelling doctrine we here of 
England in this latter age (whose womb was truss'd out with 
nothing but confused Rebellion) have too much experienced, 
and was daily rung into the ears of the tumultuous Vulgar 
by the Bell- weather Sectaries of the Times: But (blessed be 
God) those Clouds are blown over, and the Government of the 
Kingdom coucht under a more stable form. 

There is no truer Emblem of Confusion either in Monarchy 
or Domestick Governments, then when either the Subject, or 
the Servant, strives for the upper hand of his Prince, or Master, 
and to be equal with him, from whom he receives his present 
subsistance: Why then, if Servitude be so necessary that no 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 355 

place can be governed in order, nor people live without it, 
this may serve to tell those which prick up their ears and bray 
against it, That they are none but Asses, and deserve the 
Bridle of a strict commanding power to reine them in: For 
I'me certainly confident, that there are several Thousands 
in most Kingdoms of Christendom, that could not at all live 
and subsist, unless they had served some prefixed time, to 
learn either some Trade, Art, or Science, and by either of them 
to extract their present livelihood. 

Then methinks this may stop the mouths of those that will 
undiscreetly compassionate them that dwell under necessary 
Servitudes; for let but Parents of an indifferent capacity in 
Estates, when their Childrens age by computation speak them 
seventeen or eighteen years old, turn them loose to the wide 
world, without a seven years working Apprenticeship (being 
just brought up to the bare formality of a little reading and 
writing) and you shall immediately see how weak and shiftless 
they'le be towards the maintaining and supporting of them- 
selves; and (without either stealing or begging) their bodies 
like a Sentinel must continually wait to see when their Souls 
will be frighted away by the pale Ghost of a starving want. 

Then let such, where Providence hath ordained to live as 
Servants, either in England or beyond Sea, endure the pre- 
fixed yoak of their limited time with patience, and then in a 
small computation of years, by an industrious endeavour, 
they may become Masters and Mistresses of Families them- 
selves. And let this be spoke to the deserved praise of Mary- 
Land, That the four years I served there were not to me so 
slavish, as a two years Servitude of a Handicraft Apprentice- 
ship was here in London; Volenti enim nil difficile : l Not that I 
write this to seduce or delude any, or to draw them from their 
native soyle, but out of a love to my Countrymen, whom in 
the general I wish well to, and that the lowest of them may 
live in such a capacity of Estate, as that the bare interest of 
their Livelihoods might not altogether depend upon persons 
of the greatest extendments. 

Now those whose abilities here in England are capable of 
maintaining themselves in any reasonable and handsom 
manner, they had best so to remain, lest the roughness of the 

1 Nothing is difficult to the willing. 



356 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

Ocean, together with the staring visages of the wilde Animals, 
which they may see after their arrival into the Country, may 
alter the natural dispositions of their bodies, that the stay'd 
and solid part that kept its motion by Doctor Trigs purgation- 
ary operation, may run beyond the byas of the wheel in a 
violent and laxative confusion. 

Now contrarywise, they who are low, and make bare shifts 
to buoy themselves up above the shabby center of beggarly 
and incident casualties, I heartily could wish the removal of 
some of them into Mary-Land, which would make much 
better for them that stay'd behind, as well as it would advan- 
tage those that went. 

They whose abilities cannot extend to purchase their own 
transportation over into Mary-Land, (and surely he that 
cannot command so small a sum for so great a matter, his life 
must needs be mighty low and dejected) I say they may for the 
debarment of a four years sordid liberty, go over into this 
Province and there live plentiously well. And what's a four 
years Servitude to advantage a man all the remainder of his 
dayes, making his predecessors happy in his sufficient abilities, 
which he attained to partly by the restrainment of so small a 
time? 

Now those that commit themselves unto the care of the 
Merchant to carry them over, they need not trouble them- 
selves with any inquisitive search touching their Voyage; 
for there is such an honest care and provision made for them 
all the time they remain aboard the Ship, and are sailing 
over, that they want for nothing that is necessary and con- 
venient. 

The Merchant commonly before they go aboard the Ship, 
or set themselves in any forwardness for their Voyage, has 
Conditions of Agreements 1 drawn between him and those 
that by a voluntary consent become his Servants, to serve 
him, his Heirs or Assigns, according as they in their primitive 
acquaintance have made their bargain, some two, some three, 
some four years; and whatever the Master or Servant tyes 
himself up to here in England by Condition, the Laws of the 
Province will force a performance of when they come there: 
Yet here is this Priviledge in it when they arrive, If they dwell 

1 For form of indenture see p. 99, supra. 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 357 

not with the Merchant they made their first agreement withall, 
they may choose whom they will serve their prefixed time 
with; and after their curiosity has pitcht on one whom they 
think fit for their turn, and that they may live well withall, 
the Merchant makes an Assignment of the Indenture over to 
him whom they of their free will have chosen to be their 
Master, in the same nature as we here in England (and no 
otherwise) turn over Covenant Servants or Apprentices from 
one Master to another. Then let those whose chaps are always 
breathing forth those filthy dregs of abusive exclamations, 
which are Lymbeckt from their sottish and preposterous 
brains, against this Country of Mary-Land, saying, That 
those which are transported over thither, are sold in open 
Market for Slaves, and draw in Carts like Horses; which is so 
damnable an untruth, that if they should search to the very 
Center of Hell, and enquire for a Lye of the most antient and 
damned stamp, I confidently believe they could not find one 
to parallel this: For know, That the Servants here in Mary- 
Land of all Colonies, distant or remote Plantations, have the 
least cause to complain, either for strictness of Servitude, 
want of Provisions, or need of Apparel: Five dayes a.'d a half 
in the Summer weeks is the alotted time that they work in; 
and for two months, when the Sun predominates in the high- 
est pitch of his heat, they claim an antient and customary 
Priviledge, to repose themselves three hours in the day within, 
the house, and this is undeniably granted to them that work 
in the Fields. 

In the Winter time, which lasteth three months (viz.)* 
December, January, and February, they do little or no work 
or imployment, save cutting of wood to make good fires to 
sit by, unless their Ingenuity will prompt them to hunt the 
Deer, or Bear, or recreate themselves in Fowling, to slaughter 
the Swans, Geese, and Turkeys (which this Country affords 
in a most plentiful manner:) For every Servant has a Gun, 
Powder and Shot allowed him, to sport him withall on all 
Holidayes and leasurable times, if he be capable of using it, 
or be willing to learn. 

Now those Servants which come over into this Province, 
being Artificers, they never (during their Servitude) work in 
the Fields, or do any other imployment save that which 



358 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

their Handicraft and Mechanick endeavours are capable of 
putting them upon, and are esteem' d as well by their Masters, 
as those that imploy them, above measure. He that's a 
Tradesman here in Mary-Land (though a Servant), lives as 
well as most common Handicrafts do in London, though they 
may want something of that Liberty which Freemen have, 
to go and come at their pleasure ; yet if it were rightly under- 
stood and considered, what most of the Liberties of the sev- 
eral poor Tradesmen are taken up about, and what a care and 
trouble attends that thing they call Liberty, which according 
to the common translation is but Idleness, and (if weighed in 
the Ballance of a just Reason) will be found to be much heavier 
and cloggy then the four years restrainment of a Mary-Land 
Servitude. He that lives in the nature of a Servant in this 
Province, must serve but four years by the Custom of the 
Country; and when the expiration of his time speaks him a 
Freeman, there's a Law in the Province, that enjoyns his 
Master whom he hath served to give him Fifty Acres of Land, 
Corn to serve him a whole year, three Sutes of Apparel, with 
things necessary to them, and Tools to work withall; so that 
they are no sooner free, but they are ready to set up for them- 
selves, and when once entred, they live passingly well. 

The Women that go over into this Province as Servants, 

have the best luck here as in any place of the world besides; 

Vfor they are no sooner on shoar, but they are courted into a 

Copulative Matrimony, which some of them (for aught I know) 



had~they not come to such a Market with their Virginity, might 



have kept it by them untill it had been mouldy, unless they 
had let it out by a yearly rent to some of the Inhabitants of 
Lewknors-lane, 1 or made a Deed of Gift of it to Mother Coney, 
having only a poor stipend out of it, untill the Gallows or 
Hospital called them away. Men have not altogether so good 
\luck as Women in this kind, or natural preferment, without 
M^hey be good Rhetoricians, and well vers'd in the Art of 
perswasion, then (probably) they may ryvet themselves in the 
time of their Servitude into the private and reserved favour 
of their Mistress, if Age speak their Master deficient. 

In short, touching the Servants of this Province, they live 
well in the time of their Service, and by their restrainment in 

1 A disreputable neighborhood in London. 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 359 

that time, they are made capable of living much better when 
they come to be free; which in several other parts of the world 
I have observed, That after some servants have brought their 
indented and limited time to a just and legal period by Servi- 
tude, they have been much more incapable of supporting 
themselves from sinking into the Gulf of a slavish, poor, fet- 
tered, and intangled life, then all the fastness of their pre- 
fixed time did involve them in before. 

Now the main and principal Reason of those incident 
casualties, that wait continually upon the residencies of most 
poor Artificers, is (I gather) from the multiplicity or innumer- 
ableness of those several Companies of Tradesmen, that dwell 
so closely and stirringly together in one and the same place, 
that like the chafing Gum in Watered-Tabby, 1 they eat into 
the folds of one anothers Estates. And this might easily be 
remedied, would but some of them remove and disperse dis- 
tantly where want and necessity calls for them; their dwell- 
ings (I am confident) would be much larger, and their condi- 
tions much better, as well in reference to their Estates, as to 
the satisfactoriness of their minds, having a continual imploy- 
ment, and from that imployment a continual benefit, without 
either begging, seducing, or flattering for it, encroaching that 
one month from one of the same profession, that they are 
heaved out themselves the next. For I have observed on the 
other side of Mary-Land, that the whole course of most Me- 
chanical endeavours, is to catch, snatch, and undervalue 
one another, to get a little work, or a Customer; which when 
they have attained by their lowbuilt and sneaking circum- 
ventings, it stands upon so flashy, mutable, and transitory a 
foundation, that the best of his hopes is commonly extinguisht 
before the poor undervalued Tradesman is warm in the en- 
joyment of his Customer. 

Then did not a cloud of low and base Cowardize eclipse 
the Spirits of these men, these things might easily be diverted; 
but they had as live take a Bear by the tooth, as think of leav- 
ing their own Country, though they live among their own 
National people, and are governed by the same Laws they 
have here, yet all this wont do with them; and all the Reason 
they can render to the contrary is, There's a great Sea betwixt 

1 Presumably, gum arabic used in making watered silk. 



360 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

them and Mary-Land, and in that Sea there are Fishes, and 
not only Fishes but great Fishes, and then should a Ship meet 
with such an inconsiderable encounter as a Whale, one blow 
with his tayle, and then Lord have Mercy upon us: Yet meet 
with these men in their common Exchange, which is one 
story high in the bottom of a Celler, disputing over a Black- 
pot, it would be monstrously dreadful here to insert the par- 
ticulars, one swearing that he was the first that scaled the 
Walls of Dundee, when the Bullets flew about their ears as 
thick as Hail-stones usually fall from the Sky; which if it 
were but rightly examined, the most dangerous Engagement 
that ever he was in, was but at one of the flashy battels at 
Finsbury, where commonly there's more Custard greedily 
devoured, then men prejudiced by the rigour of the War. 
Others of this Company relating their several dreadful ex- 
ploits, and when they are just entring into the particulars, let 
but one step in and interrupt their discourse, by telling them 
of a Sea Voyage, and the violency of storms that attends it, 
and that there are no back-doors to run out at, which they 
call, a handsom Retreat and Charge again; the apprehensive 
danger of this is so powerful and penetrating on them, that a 
damp sweat immediately involves their Microcosm, so that 
Margery the old Matron of the Celler, is fain to run for a half- 
peny- worth of Angelica to rub their nostrils; . . . 

Now I know that some will be apt to judge, that I have 
written this last part out of derision to some of my poor 
Mechanick Country-men: Truly I must needs tell those to 
their face that think so of me, that they prejudice me ex- 
tremely, by censuring me as guilty of any such crime: What I 
have written is only to display the sordidness of their disposi- 
tions, who rather than they will remove to another Country 
to live plentiously well, and give their Neighbors more Elbow- 
room and space to breath in, they will crowd and throng upon 
one another, with the pressure of a beggarly and unnecessary 
weight. 

That which I have to say more in this business, is a hearty 
and desirous wish, that the several poor Tradesmen here in 
London that I know, and have borne an occular testimony of 
their want, might live so free from care as I did when I dwelt 
in the bonds of a four years Servitude in Mary-Land. 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 361 

Be just (Domestick Monarchs) unto them 

That dwell as Household Subjects to each Realm; 

Let not your Power make you be too severe, 

Where there's small faults reign 1 in your sharp Career: 

So that the Worlds base yelping Crew 

May'nt bark what I have wrote is writ untrue, 

So use your Servants, if there come no more, 

They may serve Eight, instead of serving Four. 



CHAP. IV. 

Upon Trafique, and what Merchandizing Commodities this 
Province affords, also how Tobacco is planted and made fit 
for Commerce. 

Trafique, Commerce, and Trade, are those great wheeles 
that by their circular and continued motion, turn into most 
Kingdoms of the Earth the plenty of abundant Riches that 
they are commonly fed withall : For Trafique in his right de- 
scription, is the very soul of a Kingdom; and should but Fate 
ordain a removal of it for some years, from the richest and 
most populous Monarchy that dwells in the most fertile clyme 
of the whole Universe, he would soon find by a woful experi- 
ment, the miss and loss of so reviving a supporter. And I am 
certainly confident, that England would as soon feel her 
feebleness by withdrawment of so great an upholder; as well 
in reference to the internal and healthful preservative of her 
Inhabitants, for want of those Medicinal Drugs that are landed 
upon her Coast every year, as the external profits, Glory and 
beneficial Graces that accrue by her. 

Paracelsus might knock down his Forge, if Trafique and 
Commerce should once cease, and grynde the hilt of his Sword 
into Powder, and take some of the Infusion to make him so 
valorous, that he might cut his own Throat in the honor of 
Mercury: Galen might then burn his Herbal, and like Joseph 
of Arimathea, build him a Tomb in his Garden, and so rest 
from his labours: Our Physical Collegians of London would 
have no cause then to thunder Fire-balls at Nich. Culpeppers 

1 Rein. 



362 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

Dispensatory: 1 All Herbs, Roots, and Medicines would bear 
their original christening, that the ignorant might understand 
them: Album grecum would not be Album grecum then, but a 
Dogs turd would be a Dogs turd in plain terms, in spight of their 
teeth. 

If Trade should once cease, the Custom-house would soon 
miss her hundreds and thousands Hogs-heads of Tobacco, that 
use to be throng in her every year, as well as the Grocers would 
in their Ware-houses and Boxes, the Gentry and Commonalty 
in their Pipes, the Physician in his Drugs and Medicinal Com- 
positions: The (leering) Waiters 2 for want of imployment, 
might (like so many Diogenes) intomb themselves in their 
empty casks, and rouling themselves off the Key into the 
Thames, there wander up and down from tide to tide in con- 
templation of Aristotles unresolved curiosity, until the rotten- 
ness of their circular habitation give them a Quietus est, and 
fairly surrender them up into the custody of those who both 
for the profession, disposition and nature, lay as near claim 
to them, as if they both tumbled in one belly, and for name 
they jump alike, being according to the original translation 
both Sharkes. 

Silks and Cambricks, and Lawns to make sleeves, would 
be as soon miss'd at Court, as Gold and Silver would be in the 
Mint and Pockets: The Low-Country Soldier would be at a 
cold stand for Outlandish Furrs to make him Muffs, to keep 
his ten similitudes warm in the Winter, as well as the Furrier 
for want of Skins to uphold his Trade. 

Should Commerce once cease, there is no Country in the 
habitable world but would undoubtedly miss that flourishing, 
splendid and rich gallantry of Equipage, that Trafique main- 
tained and drest her up in, before she received that fatal 
Eclipse: England, France, Germany and Spain, together with 
all the Kingdoms 

But stop (good Muse) lest I should, like the Parson of 
Pancras, run so far from my Text in half an hour, that a two 
hours trot back again would hardly fetch it up: I had best 
while I am alive in my Doctrine, to think again of Mary-Land, 

1 The allusion is to a contemporary controversy over the unauthorized pub- 
lication of an English translation of the Pharmacopoeia. 

2 Tide-waiters. A term formerly applied to customs inspectors. 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 363 

lest the business of other Countries take up so much room in 
my brain, that I forget and bury her in oblivion. 

The three main Commodities this Country affords for 
Trafique, are Tobacco, Furrs, and Flesh. Furrs and Skins, as 
Beavers, Otters, Musk-Rats, Rackoons, Wild-Cats, and Elke 
or Buffeloe, with divers others, which were first made ven- 
dible by the Indians of the Country, and sold to the Inhabi- 
tant, and by them to the Merchant, and so transported into 
England and other places where it becomes most commo- 
dious. 

Tobacco is the only solid Staple Commodity of this Prov- 
ince: The use of it was first found out by the Indians many 
Ages agoe, and transferred into Christendom by that great 
Discoverer of America Columbus. It's generally made by all 
the Inhabitants of this Province, and between the months of 
March and April they sow the seed (which is much smaller 
than Mustard-seed) in small beds and patches digg'd up and 
made so by art, and about May the Plants commonly appear 
green in those beds: In June they are transplanted from their 
beds, and set in little hillocks in distant rowes, dug up for the 
same purpose ; some twice or thrice they are weeded, and suc- 
coured from their illegitimate Leaves that would be peeping 
out from the body of the Stalk. They top the several Plants 
as they find occasion in their predominating rankness: About 
the middle of September they cut the Tobacco down, and 
carry it into houses, (made for that purpose) to bring it to its 
purity : And after it has attained, by a convenient attendance 
upon time, to its perfection, it is then tyed up in bundles, and 
packt into Hogs-heads, and then laid by for the Trade. 

Between November and January there arrives in this 
Province Shipping to the number of twenty sail and upwards, 
all Merchant-men loaden with Commodities to Trafique and 
dispose of, trucking with the Planter for Silks, Hollands, 
Serges, and Broad-clothes, with other necessary Goods, priz'd 
at such and such rates as shall be judg'd on is fair and legal, 
for Tobacco at so much the pound, and advantage on both 
sides considered; the Planter for his work, and the Merchant 
for adventuring himself and his Commodity into so far a 
Country: Thus is the Trade on both sides drove on with a 
fair and honest Decorum. 



364 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

The Inhabitants of this Province are seldom or never put 
to the affrightment of being robb'd of their money, nor to 
dirty their Fingers by telling of vast sums: They have more 
bags to carry Corn, then Coyn; and though they want, but why 
should I call that a want which is only a necessary miss? the 
very effects of the dirt of this Province affords as great a profit 
to the general Inhabitant, as the Gold of Peru doth to the 
straight-breecht Commonalty of the Spaniard. 

Our Shops and Exchanges of Mary-Land, are the Merchants 
Store-houses, where with few words and protestations Goods 
are bought and delivered; not like those Shop-keepers Boys 
in London, that continually cry, What do ye lack Sir? What 
d'ye buy? yelping with so wide a mouth, as if some Apothe- 
cary had hired their mouths to stand open to catch Gnats and 
Vagabond Flyes in. 

Tobacco is the currant Coyn of Mary-Land, and will 
sooner purchase Commodities from the Merchant, then money. 
I must confess the New-England men that trade into this 
Province, had rather have fat Pork for their Goods, then To- 
bacco or Furrs, which I conceive is, because their bodies being 
fast bound up with the cords of restringent Zeal, they are fain 
to make use of the lineaments of this Non-Canaanite creat- 
ure physically to loosen them; for a bit of a pound upon a 
two-peny Rye loaf, according to the original Receipt, will 
bring the costiv'st red-ear'd Zealot in some three hours time 
to a fine stool, if methodically observed. 

Medera- Wines, Sugars, Salt, Wickar-Chairs, and Tin Candle- 
sticks, is the most of the Commodities they bring in: They 
arrive in Mary-Land about September, being most of them 
Ketches and Barkes, and such small Vessels, and those dis- 
persing themselves into several small Creeks of this Province, 
to sell and dispose of their Commodities, where they know the 
Market is most fit for their small Adventures. 

Barbadoes, together with the several adjacent Islands, has 
much Provision yearly from this Province: And though these 
Sun-burnt Phaetons think to outvye Mary-Land in their 
Silks and Puffs, daily speaking against her whom their neces- 
sities makes them beholding to, and like so many Don Diegos 
that becackt Pauls, cock their Felts and look big upon't; yet if 
a man could go down into their infernals, and see how it fares 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 365 

with them there, I believe he would hardly find any other 
Spirit to buoy them up, then the ill-visaged Ghost of want, 
that continually wanders from gut to gut to feed upon the 
undigested rynes of Potatoes. 

Trafique is Earth's great Atlas, that supports 

The pay of Armies, and the height of Courts, 

And makes Mechanicks live, that else would die 

Meer starving Martyrs to their penury: 

None but the Merchant of this thing can boast, 

He, like the Bee, comes loaden from each Coast, 

And to all Kingdoms, as within a Hive, 

Stows up those Riches that doth make them thrive: 

Be thrifty, Mary-Land, keep what thou hast in store, 

And each years Trafique to thy self get more. 

A Relation of the Customs, Manners, Absurdities, and Religion 
of the Susquehanock Indians in and near Mary-Land. 

As the diversities of Languages (since Babels confusion) 
has made the distinction between people and people, in this 
Christendompart of the world; so are they distinguished Na- 
tion from Nation, by the diversities and confusion of their 
Speech and Languages here in America: And as every Nation 
differs in their Laws, Manners and Customs, in Europe, Asia and 
Africa, so do they the very same here ; That it would be a most 
intricate and laborious trouble, to run (with a description) 
through the several Nations of Indians here in America, con- 
sidering the innumerableness and diversities of them that dwell 
on this vast and unmeasured Continent: But rather then Fie 
be altogether silent, I shall do like the Painter in the Comedy, 
who being to limne out the Pourtraiture of the Furies, as they 
severally appeared, set himself behind a Pillar, and between 
fright and amazement, drew them by guess. Those Indians 
that I have convers'd withall here in this Province of Mary- 
Land, and have had any occular experimental view of either 
of their Customs, Manners, Religions, and Absurdities, are 
called by the name of Susquehanocks, being a people lookt 
upon by the Christian Inhabitants, as the most Noble and 
Heroick Nation of Indians that dwell upon the confines of 
America; also are so allowed and lookt upon by the rest of 



366 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

the Indians, by a submissive and tributary acknowledgement; 
being a people cast into the mould of a most large and War- 
like deportment, the men being for the most part seven foot 
high in latitude, 1 and in magnitude and bulk suitable to so 
high a pitch; their voyce large and hollow, as ascending out 
of a Cave, their gate and behavior strait, stately and majestick, 
treading on the Earth with as much pride, contempt, and dis- 
dain to so sordid a Center, as can be imagined from a creature 
derived from the same mould and Earth. 

Their bodies are cloth'd with no other Armour to defend 
them from the nipping frosts of a benumbing Winter, or the 
penetrating and scorching influence of the Sun in a hot Sum- 
mer, then what Nature gave them when they parted with the 
dark receptacle of their mothers womb. They go Men, Women 
and Children, all naked, 2 only where shame leads them by a 
natural instinct to be reservedly modest, there they become 
cover'd. The formality of Jezabels artificial Glory is much 
courted and followed by these Indians, only in matter of 
colours (I conceive) they differ. 

The Indians paint upon their faces one stroke of red, an- 
other of green, another of white, and another of black, so that 
when they have accomplished the Equipage of their Counte- 
nance in this trim, they are the only Hieroglyphicks and 
Representatives of the Furies. Their skins are naturally 
white, but altered from their originals by the several dyings 
of Roots and Barks, that they prepare and make useful to 
metamorphize their hydes into a dark Cinamon brown. The 
hair of their head is black, long and harsh, but where Nature 
hath appointed the situation of it any where else, they divert 
it (by an antient custom) from its growth, by pulling it up hair 
by hair by the root in its primitive appearance. Several of 
them wear divers impressions on their breasts and armes, as 
the picture of the Devil, Bears, Tigers, and Panthers, which 
are imprinted on their several lineaments with much difficulty 
and pain, with an irrevocable determination of its abiding 
there : And this they count a badge of Heroick Valour, and the 
only Ornament due to their Heroes. 

1 Altitude. The Susquehannah Indians were a large and warlike people; but 
the stature here ascribed to them is an obvious exaggeration. 

2 Compare the description of the dress of the Pascataway Indians, p. 43, supra. 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 367 

These Susquehanock Indians are for the most part great 
Warriours, and seldom sleep one Summer in the quiet armes 
of a peaceable Rest, but keep (by their present Power, as well 
as by their former Conquest) the several Nations of Indians 
round about them, in a forceable obedience and subjection. 

Their Government is wrapt up in so various and intricate 
a Laborynth, that the speculativ'st Artist in the whole World, 
with his artificial and natural Opticks, cannot see into the rule 
or sway of these Indians, to distinguish what name of Gov- 
ernment to call them by ; though Purchas in his Peregrination 
between London and Essex, (which he calls the whole World) 
will undertake (forsooth) to make a Monarchy 1 of them, but 
if he had said Anarchy, his word would have pass'd with a 
better belief. All that ever I could observe in them as to this 
matter is, that he that is most cruelly Valorous, is accounted 
the most Noble: Here is very seldom any creeping from a 
Country Farm, into a Courtly Gallantry, by a sum of money; 
nor feeing the Heralds to put Daggers and Pistols into their 
Armes, to make the ignorant believe that they are lineally de- 
scended from the house of the Wars and Conquests; he that 
fights bests carries it here. 

When they determine to go upon some Design that will 
and doth require a Consideration, some six of them get into 
a corner, and sit in Juncto ; and if thought fit, their business is 
made popular, and immediately put into action; if not, they 
make a full stop to it, and are silently reserv'd. 

The Warlike Equipage they put themselves in when they 
prepare for Belona's March, is with their faces, armes, and 
breasts confusedly painted, their hair greazed with Bears oyl, 
and stuck thick with Swans Feathers, with a wreath or Dia- 
dem of black and white Beads upon their heads, a small 
Hatchet, instead of a Cymetre, stuck in their girts behind 
them, and either with Guns, or Bows and Arrows. In this pos- 
ture and dress they march out from their Fort, or dwelling, to 
the number of Forty in a Troop, singing (or rather howling out) 
the Decades or Warlike exploits of their Ancestors, ranging 
the wide Woods untill their fury has met with an Enemy 

1 See A Relation of Maryland, p. 84, supra. The contemptuous reference 
above is to Purchas's Pilgrimes (1625), that great storehouse of narratives of 
voyages. 



368 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

worthy of their Revenge. What Prisoners fall into their 
hands by the destiny of War, they treat them very civilly 
while they remain with them abroad, but when they once 
return homewards, they then begin to dress them in the habit 
for death, putting on their heads and armes wreaths of Beads, 
greazing their hair with fat, some going before, and the 
rest behind, at equal distance from their Prisoners, bellow- 
ing in a strange and confused manner, which is a true pre- 
sage and fore-runner of destruction to their then conquered 
Enemy. 

In this manner of march they continue till they have 
brought them to their Barken City, where they deliver them 
up to those that in cruelty will execute them, without either 
the legal Judgement of a Council of War, or the benefit of 
their Clergy at the Common Law. The common and usual 
deaths they put their Prisoners to, is to bind them to stakes, 
making a fire some distance from them; then one or other of 
them, whose Genius delights in the art of Paganish dissection, 
with a sharp knife or flint cuts the Cutis or outermost skin of 
the brow so deep, untill their nails, or rather Talons, can fasten 
themselves firm and secure in, then (with a most rigid jerk) 
disrobeth the head of skin and hair at one pull, leaving the skull 
almost as bare as those Monumental Skelitons at Chyrurgions- 
Hall; but for fear they should get cold by leaving so warm 
and customary a Cap off, they immediately apply to the skull 
a Cataplasm of hot Embers to keep their Pericranium warm. 
While they are thus acting this cruelty on their heads, several 
others are preparing pieces of Iron, and barrels of old Guns, 
which they make red hot, to sear each part and lineament of 
their bodies, which they perform and act in a most cruel and 
barbarous manner: And while they are thus in the midst of 
their torments and execrable usage, some tearing their skin 
and hair of their head off by violence, others searing their 
bodies with hot irons, some are cutting their flesh off, and 
eating it before their eyes raw while they are alive; yet all this 
and much more never makes them lower the Top-gallant sail 
of their Heroick courage, to beg with a submissive Repentance 
any indulgent favour from their persecuting Enemies; but 
with an undaunted contempt to their cruelty, eye it with so 
slight and mean a respect, as if it were below them to value 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 369 

what they did, they courageously (while breath doth libertize 
them) sing the summary of their Warlike Atchievements. 

Now after this cruelty has brought their tormented lives 
to a period, they immediately fall to butchering of them into 
parts, distributing the several pieces amongst the Sons of War, 
to intomb the ruines of their deceased Conquest in no other 
Sepulchre then their unsanctified maws; which they with 
more appetite and desire do eat and digest, then if the best of 
foods should court their stomachs to participate of the most 
restorative Banquet. Yet though they now and then feed 
upon the Carkesses of their Enemies, this is not a common 
dyet, but only a particular dish for the better sort; for there 
is not a Beast that runs in the Woods of America, but if they 
can by any means come at him, without any scruple of Con- 
science they'le fall too (without saying Grace) with a devour- 
ing greediness. 

As for their Religion, together with their Rites and Cere- 
monies, they are so absurd and ridiculous, that its almost a 
sin to name them. They own no other Deity than the Devil, 
(solid or profound) but with a kind of wilde imaginary con- 
jecture, they suppose from their groundless conceits, that the 
World had a Maker, but where he is that made it, or whether 
he be living to this day, they know not. The Devil, as I said 
before, is all the God they own or worship ; and that more out 
of a slavish fear then any real Reverence to his Infernal or Dia- 
bolical greatness, he forcing them to their Obedience by his 
rough and rigid dealing with them, often appearing visibly 
among them to their terrour, bastinadoing them (with cruel 
menaces) even unto death, and burning their Fields of Corn 
and houses, that the relation thereof makes them tremble 
themselves when they tell it. 

Once in four years they Sacrifice a Childe to him, in an 
acknowledgement of their firm obedience to all his Devilfish 
powers, and Hellish commands. The Priests to whom they 
apply themselves in matters of importance and greatest dis- 
tress, are like those that attended upon the Oracle at Delphos, 
who by their Magic-spells could command a pro or con from 
the Devil when they pleas'd. These Indians oft-times raise 
great Tempests when they have any weighty matter or design 
in hand, and by blustering storms inquire of their Infernal 



370 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1666 

God (the Devil) How matters shall go with them either in 
publick or private. 

When any among them depart this life, they give him no 
other intombment, then to set him upright upon his breech in a 
hole dug in the Earth some five foot long, and three foot deep, 
covered over with the Bark of Trees Arch-wise, with his face 
Du-West, only leaving a hole half a foot square open. They 
dress him in the same Equipage and Gallantry that he used to 
be trim'd in when he was alive, and so bury him (if a Soldier) 
with his Bows, Arrows, and Target, together with all the rest 
of his implements and weapons of War, with a Kettle of Broth, 
and Corn standing before him, lest he should meet with bad 
quarters in his way. His Kinred and Relations follow him to 
the Grave, sheath'd in Bear skins for close mourning, with the 
tayl droyling on the ground, in imitation of our English Sol- 
emners, that think there's nothing like a tayl a Degree in 
length, to follow the dead Corpse to the Grave with. Here 
if that snuffling Prolocutor, that waits upon the dead Monu- 
ments of the Tombs at Westminster, with his white Rod were 
there, he might walk from Tomb to Tomb with his, Here lies 
the Duke of Ferrara and his Dutchess, and never find any 
decaying vacation, unless it were in the moldering Consump- 
tion of his own Lungs. They bury all within the wall or Pal- 
lisado'd impalement of their City, or Connadago as they call 
it. Their nouses are low and long, built with the Bark of 
Trees Arch-wise, standing thick and confusedly together. 
They are situated a hundred and odd miles distant from the 
Christian Plantations of Mary-Land, at the head of a River 
that runs into the Bay of Chsesapike, called by their own 
name The Susquehanock River, where they remain and in- 
habit most part of the Summer time, and seldom remove far 
from it, unless it be to subdue any Forreign Rebellion. 

About November the best Hunters draw off to several 
remote places of the Woods, where they know the Deer, Bear, 
and Elke useth; there they build them several Cottages, which 
they call their Winter-quarter, where they remain for the 
space of three months, untill they have killed up a sufficiency 
of Provisions to supply their Families with in the Summer. 

The Women are the Butchers, Cooks, and Tillers of the 
ground, the Men think it below the honour of a Masculine, to 



1666] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 371 

stoop to any thing but that which their Gun, or Bow and Ar- 
rows can command. The Men kill the several Beasts which 
they meet withall in the Woods, and the Women are the Pack 
horses to fetch it in upon their backs, fleying and dressing the 
hydes, (as well as the flesh for provision) to make them fit for 
Trading, and which are brought down to the English at several 
seasons in the year, to truck and dispose of them for course 
Blankets, Guns, Powder, and Lead, Beads, small Looking- 
glasses, Knives, and Razors. 

I never observed all the while I was amongst these naked 
Indians, that ever the Women wore the Breeches, or dared 
either in look or action predominate over the Men. They are 
very constant to their Wives; and let this be spoken to their 
Heathenish praise, that did they not alter their bodies by their 
dyings, paintings, and cutting themselves, marring those Ex- 
cellencies that Nature bestowed upon them in their original 
conceptions and birth, there would be as amiable beauties 
amongst them, as any Alexandria could afford, when Mark 
Anthony and Cleopatra dwelt there together. Their Mar- 
riages are short and authentique; for after 'tis resolv'd upon 
by both parties, the Woman sends her intended Husband a 
Kettle of boyl'd Venison, or Bear; and he returns in lieu 
thereof Beaver or Otters Skins, and so their Nuptial Rites 
are concluded without other Ceremony. 



A Collection of some Letters that were written by the same Author, 
most of them in the time of his Servitude. 

To my much Honored Friend Mr. T. B. 
Sir, 
I have lived with sorrow to see the Anointed of the Lord 
tore from his Throne by the hands of Paricides, and in con- 
tempt haled, in the view of God, Angels and Men, upon a 
public Theatre, and there murthered. 1 I have seen the sacred 
Temple of the Almighty, in scorn by Schismaticks made the 
Receptacle of Theeves and Robbers; and those Religious 
Prayers, that in devotion Evening and Morning were offered 
up as a Sacrifice to our God, rent by Sacrilegious hands, and 

1 An allusion to the execution of Charles I. in 1649. 



372 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1658 

made no other use of, then sold to Brothel-houses to light 
Tobacco with. 

Who then can stay, or will, to see things of so great weight 
steer'd by such barbarous Hounds as these: First, were there 
an Egypt to go down to, I would involve my Liberty to them, 
upon condition ne'er more to see my Country. What? live in 
silence under the sway of such base actions, is to give consent ; 
and though the lowness of my present Estate and Condition, 
with the hazard I put my future dayes upon, might plead a 
just excuse for me to stay at home; but Heavens forbid: Tie 
rather serve in Chains, and draw the Plough with Animals, till 
death shall stop and say, It is enough. Sir, if you stay behind, 
I wish you well : I am bound for Mary-Land, this day I have 
made some entrance into my intended voyage, and when I 
have done more, you shall know of it. I have here inclosed 
what you of me desired, but truly trouble, discontent and 
business, have so amazed my senses, that what to write, or 
where to write, I conceive my self almost as uncapable as he 
that never did write. What you'le find will be Ex tempore, 
without the use of premeditation; and though there may 
want something of a flourishing stile to dress them forth, yet 
I'm certain there wants nothing of truth, will, and desire. 

Heavens bright Lamp, shine forth some of thy Light, 

But just so long to paint this dismal Night; 

Then draw thy beams, and hide thy glorious face, 

From the dark sable actions of this place; 

Leaving these lustful Sodomites groping still, 

To satisfie each dark unsatiate will, 

Untill at length the crimes that they commit, 

May sink them down to Hells Infernal pit. 

Base and degenerate Earth, how dost thou lye, 

That all that pass hiss, at thy Treachery? 

Thou which couldst boast once of thy King and Crown, 

By base Mechanicks now art tumbled down, 

Brewers and Coblers, that have scarce an Eye, 

Walk hand in hand in thy Supremacy; 

And all those Courts where Majesty did Throne, 

Are now the Seats for Oliver and Joan: 

Persons of Honour, which did before inherit 

Their glorious Titles from deserved merit, 

Are all grown silent, and with wonder gaze, 



1658] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 373 

To view such Slaves drest in their Courtly rayes; 

To see a Drayman that knows nought but Yeast, 

Set in a Throne like Babylons red Beast, 

While heaps of Parasites do idolize 

This red-nos'd Bell, with fawning Sacrifice. 

What can we say? our King they've Murthered, 

And those well born, are basely buried: 

Nobles are slain, and Royalists in each street 

Are scorn'd, and kick'd by most men that they meet: 

Religion's banisht, and Heresie survives, 

And none but Conventicks in this Age thrives. 

Oh could those Romans from their Ashes rise, 

That liv'd in Nero's time: Oh how their cries 

Would our perfidious Island shake, nay rend, 

With clamorous screaks unto the Heaven send: 

Oh how they'd blush to see our Crimson crimes, 

And know the Subjects Authors of these times: 

When as the Peasant he shall take his King, 

And without cause shall fall a murthering him; 

And when that's done, with Pride assume the Chair, 

And Nimrod-like, himself to heaven rear; 

Command the People, make the Land Obey 

His baser will, and swear to what he'l say. 

Sure, sure our God has not these evils sent 

To please himself, but for mans punishment: 

And when he shall from our dark sable Skies 

Withdraw these Clouds, and let our Sun arise, 

Our dayes will surely then in Glory shine, 

Both in our Temporal, and our State divine: 

May this come quickly, though I may never see 

This glorious day, yet I would sympathie, 

And feel a joy run through each vain of blood, 

Though Vassalled on t'other side the Floud. 

Heavens protect his Sacred Majesty, 

From secret Plots, and treacherous Villany. 

And that those Slaves that now predominate, 

Hang'd and destroy'd may be their best of Fate; 

And though great Charles be distant from his own, 

Heaven I hope will seat him on his Throne. 

Vale. 
Yours what I may, 
From the Chimney-corner upon a G. A. 

low Cricket, where I writ this in 

the noise of some six Women, 

Aug. 19. Anno 



374 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1658 

To my Honoured Father, at his House. 

Sir, 

Before I dare bid Adieu to the old World, or shake hands 
with my native Soyl for ever, I have a Conscience inwards 
tells me, that I must offer up the remains of that Obedience of 
mine, that lyes close centered within the cave of my Soul, 
at the Alter, of your paternal Love : And though this Sacrifice 
of mine may shew something low and thread-bare, (at this 
time) yet know, That in the Zenith of all actions, Obedience is 
that great wheel that moves the lesser in their circular motion. 

I am now entring for some time to dwell under the Gov- 
ernment of Neptune, a Monarchy that I was never manured 
to live under, nor to converse with in his dreadful Aspect, 
neither do I know how I shall bear with his rough demands; 
but that God has carried me through those many gusts a shoar, 
which I have met withall in the several voyages of my life, I 
hope will Pilot me safely to my desired Port, through the worst 
of Stormes I shall meet withall at Sea. 

We have strange, and yet good news aboard, that he whose 
vast mind could not be contented with spacious Territories 
to stretch his insatiate desires on, is (by an Almighty power) 
banished from his usurped Throne to dwell among the dead. 
I no sooner heard of it, but my melancholly Muse forced me 
upon this ensuing Distich. 

Poor vaunting Earth, gloss'd with uncertain Pride, 
That liv'd in Pomp, yet worse than others dy'd: 
Who shall blow forth a Trumpet to thy praise? 
Or call thy sable Actions shining Rayes? 
Such Lights as those blaze forth the vertues dead, 
And make them live, though they are buried. 
Thou'rt gone, and to thy memory let be said, 
There lies that Oliver which of old betray'd 
His King and Master, and after did assume, 
With swelling Pride, to govern in his room. 
Here Fie rest satisfied, Scriptures expound to me, 
Tophet was made for such Supremacy. 

The death of this great Rebel (I hope) will prove an Omen 
to presage destruction on the rest. The World's in a heap 
of troubles and confusion, and while they are in the midst of 



1658] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 375 

their changes and amazes, the best way to give them the bag, 
is to go out of the World and leave them. I am now bound 
for Mary-Land, and I am told that's a New World, but if it 
prove no better than this, I shall not get much by my change ; 
but before I'le revoke my Resolution, I am resolv'd to put it 
to adventure, for I think it can hardly be worse then this is: 
Thus committing you into the hands of that God that made 
you, I rest 

Your Obedient Son, 

From aboard a Ship at Graves- G. A. 

end, Sept. 7th. Anno [1658] 

To my Brother. 

I Leave you very near in the same condition as I am in my 
self, only here lies the difference, you were bound at Joyners 
Hall in London Apprentice-wise, and I conditionally at Navi- 
gators Hall, that now rides at an Anchor at Gravesend; I 
hope you will allow me to live in the largest Mayordom, by 
reason I am the eldest: None but the main Continent of 
America will serve me for a Corporation to inhabit in now, 
though I am affraid for all that, that the reins of my Liberty 
will be something shorter then yours will be in London: But 
as to that, what Destiny has ordered I am resolved with an 
adventerous Resolution to subscribe to, and with a contented 
imbracement enjoy it. I would fain have seen you once more 
in this Old World, before I go into the New, I know you have 
a chain about your Leg, as well as I have a clog about my 
Neck: If you can't come, send a line or two, if not, wish me 
well at least : I have one thing to charge home upon you, and I 
hope you will take my counsel, That you have alwayes an obedi- 
ent Respect and Reverence to your aged Parents, that while 
they live they may have comfort of you, and when that God 
shall sound a retreat to their lives, that there they may with 
their gray hairs in joy go down to their Graves. 

Thus concluding, wishing you a comfortable Servitude, a 
prosperous Life, and the assurance of a happy departure in 
the immutable love of him that made you, Vale. 

Your Brother, 

G. A. 

From Gravesend, Sept. 7. Anno 



376 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659 

To My much Honored Friend Mr. T. B. at his House. 

I Am got ashoar with much ado, and it is very well as it is, 
for if I had stayed a little longer, I had certainly been a Crea- 
ture of the Water, for I had hardly flesh enough to carry me 
to Land, not that I wanted for any thing that the Ship could 
afford me in reason: But oh the great bowls of Pease-porridge 
that appeared in sight every day about the hour twelve, in- 
gulfed the senses of my Appetite so, with the restringent 
quality of the Salt Beef, upon the internal Inhabitants of my 
belly, that a Galenist for some dayes after my arrival, with 
his Bag-pipes of Physical operations, could hardly make my 
Puddings dance in any methodical order. 

But to set by these things that happened unto me at Sea, 
I am now upon Land, and there I'le keep my self if I can, 
and for four years I am pretty sure of my restraint; and had 
I known my yoak would have been so easie, (as I conceive it 
will) I would have been here long before now, rather then to 
have dwelt under the pressure of a Rebellious and Trayterous 
Government so long as I did. I dwell now by providence in the 
Province of Mary-Land, (under the quiet Government of the 
Lord Baltemore) which Country abounds in a most glorious 
prosperity and plenty of all things. And though the Infancy 
of her situation might plead an excuse to those several imper- 
fections, (if she were guilty of any of them) which by scandal- 
ous and imaginary conjectures are falsly laid to her charge, 
and which she values with so little notice or perceivance of dis- 
content, that she hardly alters her visage with a frown, to let 
them know she is angry with such a Rascality of people, that 
loves nothing better then their own sottish and abusive accla- 
mations of baseness: To be short, the Country (so far forth 
as I have seen into it) is incomparable. 

Here is a sort of naked Inhabitants, or wilde people, that 
have for many ages I believe lived here in the Woods of Mary- 
Land, as well as in other parts of the Continent, before e'er it 
was by the Christian Discoverers found out; being a people 
strange to behold, as well in their looks, which by confused 
paintings makes them seem dreadful, as in their sterne and 
heroick gate and deportments; the Men are mighty tall and 
big limbed, the Women not altogether so large ; they are most 
of them very well featured, did not their wilde and ridiculous 



1659] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 377 

dresses alter their original excellencies: The men are great 
Warriours and Hunters, the Women ingenious and laborious 
Housewives. 

As to matter of their Worship, they own no other Deity then 
the Devil, and him more out of a slavish fear, then any real 
devotion, or willing acknowledgement to his Hellish power. 
They live in little small Bark-Cottages, in the remote parts of 
the Woods, killing and slaying the several Animals that they 
meet withall to make provision of, dressing their several 
Hydes and Skins to Trafique withall, when a conveniency of 
Trade presents. I would go on further, but like Doctor Case, 
when he had not a word more to speak for himself, I am 
affraid my beloved I have kept you too long. Now he that 
made you save you, Amen. 

Yours to command, 
G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Febr. 6. Anno 

And not to forget Tom Forge I beseech you, tell him that 
my Love's the same towards him still, and as firm as it was 
about the overgrown Tryal, when Judgements upon Judge- 
ments, had not I stept in, would have pursued him untill the 
day of Judgement, etc. 

To my Father at his House. 

Sir, 

After my Obedience (at so great and vast a distance) has 
humbly saluted you and my good Mother, with the cordialest 
of my prayers, wishes, and desires to wait upon you, with the 
very best of their effectual devotion, wishing from the very 
Center of my Soul your flourishing and well-being here upon 
Earth, and your glorious and everlasting happiness in the 
World to come. 

These lines (my dear Parents) come from that Son which 
by an irregular Fate was removed from his Native home, 
and after a five months dangerous passage, was landed on the 
remote Continent of America, in the Province of Mary-Land, 
where now by providence I reside. To give you the particu- 
lars of the several accidents that happened in our Voyage by 
Sea, it would swell a Journal of some sheets, and therefore too 



378 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1659 

large and tedious for a Letter: I think it therefore necessary 
to bind up the relation in Octavo, and give it you in short. 

We had a blowing and dangerous passage of it, and for 
some dayes after I arrived, I was an absolute Copernicus, it 
being one main point of my moral Creed, to believe the World 
had a pair of long legs, and walked with the burthen of the 
Creation upon her back. For to tell you the very truth of it, 
for some dayes upon Land, after so long and tossing a passage, 
I was so giddy that I could hardly tread an even step ; so that 
all things both above and below (that was in view) appeared 
to me like the Kentish Britains to William the Conqueror, in a 
moving posture. 

Those few number of weeks since my arrival, has given me 
but little experience to write any thing large of the Country; 
only thus much I can say, and that not from any imaginary 
conjectures, but from an occular observation, That this 
Country of Mary-Land abounds in a flourishing variety of 
delightful Woods, pleasant Groves, lovely Springs, together 
with spacious Navigable Rivers and Creeks, it being a most 
healthful and pleasant situation, so far as my knowledge has 
yet had any view in it. 

Herds of Deer are as numerous in this Province of Mary- 
Land, as Cuckolds can be in London, only their horns are not 
so well drest and tipt with silver as theirs are. 

Here if the Devil had such a Vagary in his head as he had 
once among the Gadareans, he might drown a thousand head 
of Hogs and they'd ne're be miss'd, for the very Woods of this 
Province swarms with them. 

The Christian Inhabitant of this Province, as to the gen- 
eral, lives wonderful well and contented: The Government 
of this Province is by the loyalness of the people, and loving 
demeanor of the Proprietor and Governor of the same, kept in a 
continued peace and unity. 

The Servant of this Province, which are stigmatiz'd for 
Slaves by the clappermouth jaws of the vulgar in England, 
live more like Freemen then the most Mechanick Apprentices 
in London, wanting for nothing that is convenient and nec- 
essary, and according to their several capacities, are extraor- 
dinary well used and respected. So leaving things here as 
I found them, and lest I should commit Sacriledge upon your 



1659] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 379 

more serious meditations, with the Tautologies of a long- 
winded Letter, Fie subscribe with a heavenly Ejaculation to 
the God of Mercy to preserve you now and for evermore, 
Amen. 

Your Obedient Son, 

G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Jan. 17. Anno 

To my much Honored Friend Mr. M. F. 

Sir, 

You writ to me when I was at Gravesend, (but I had no con- 
veniency to send you an answer till now) enjoyning me, if 
possible, to give you a just Information by my diligent ob- 
servance, what thing were best and most profitable to send 
into this Country for a commodious Trafique. 

Sir, The enclosed will demonstrate unto you both par- 
ticularly and at large, to the full satisfaction of your desire, it 
being an Invoyce drawn as exact to the business you imployed 
me upon, as my weak capacity could extend to. 

Sir, If you send any Adventure to this Province, let me beg 
to give you this advice in it; That the Factor whom you im- 
ploy be a man of a Brain, otherwise the Planter will go near to 
make a Skimming-dish of his Skull : I know your Genius can 
interpret my meaning. The people of this place (whether 
the saltness of the Ocean gave them any alteration when they 
went over first, or their continual dwelling under the remote 
Clyme where they now inhabit, I know not) are a more acute 
people in general, in matters of Trade and Commerce, then in 
any other place of the World; and by their crafty and sure 
bargaining, do often over-reach the raw and unexperienced 
Merchant. To be short, he that undertakes Merchants im- 
ployment for Mary-Land, must have more of Knave in him 
then Fool ; he must not be a windling piece of Formality, that 
will lose his Imployers Goods for Conscience sake; nor a 
flashy piece of Prodigality, that will give his Merchants fine 
Hollands, Laces, and Silks, to purchase the benevolence of 
a Female : But he must be a man of solid confidence, carrying 
alwayes in his looks the Effigies of an Execution upon Com- 
mand, if he supposes a baffle or denyal of payment, where a 
debt for his Imployer is legally due. 



380 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1661 

Sir, I had like almost to forgot to tell you in what part 
of the World I am: I dwell by providence Servant to Mr. 
Thomas Stocket, in the County of Baltemore, within the 
Province of Mary-Land, under the Government of the Lord 
Baltemore, being a Country abounding with the variety and 
diversity of all that is or may be rare. But lest I should 
Tantalize you with a relation of that which is very unlikely 
of your enjoying, by reason of that strong Antipathy you have 
ever had 'gainst Travel, as to your own particular: Fie only 
tell you, that Mary-Land is seated within the large extending 
armes of America, between the Degrees of 36 and 38/ being in 
Longitude from England eleven hundred and odd Leagues. 

Vale. 

G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Jan. 17. Anno 

To my Honored Friend Mr. T. B. at his House. 

Sir, 

Yours received, wherein I find my self much obliged 
to you for your good opinion of me, I return you millions 
of thanks. 

Sir, you wish me well, and I pray God as well that those 
wishes may light upon me, and then I question not but all 
will do well. Those Pictures you sent sewed up in a Past- 
board, with a Letter tacked on the outside, you make no 
mention at all what should be done with them: If they are 
Saints, unless I knew their names, I could make no use of 
them. Pray in your next let me know what they are, for my 
fingers itch to be doing with them one way or another. Our 
Government here hath had a small fit of a Rebellious Quotid- 
ian, 2 but five Grains of the powder of Subvertment has quali- 
fied it. Pray be larger in your next how things stand in 
England: I understand His Majesty is return'd with Honour, 
and seated in the hereditary Throne of his Father; God bless 
him from Traytors, and the Church from Sacrilegious Schisms, 
and you as a loyal Subject to the one, and a true Member 

3 Should be 38 and 40. 

2 The reference is to the treachery of Governor Fendall, who after accepting 
appointment from the Proprietary sought to cast off his authority, and ac- 
cepted a new appointment as governor from the Assembly (1660). 



1661] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 381 

to the other; while you so continue, the God of order, peace 
and tranquility, bless and preserve you, Amen. 

Vale. 
Your real Friend, 

G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Febr. 20. Anno [1661]. 

To my Honored Father at his House. 

Sir, 

With a twofold unmeasurable joy I received your Letter: 
First, in the consideration of Gods great Mercy to you in par- 
ticular, (though weak and aged) yet to give you dayes among 
the living. Next, that his now most Excellent Majesty Charles 
the Second, is by the omnipotent Providence of God, seated 
in the Throne of his Father. I hope that God that has placed 
him there, will give him a heart to praise and magnifie his 
name for ever, and a hand of just Revenge, to punish the 
murthering and rebellious Outrages of those Sons of shame 
and Apostacy, that Usurped the Throne of his Sacred Honour. 
Near about the time I received your Letter, (or a little before) 
here sprang up in this Province of Mary-Land a kind of pigmie 
Rebellion: A company of weak-witted men, which thought to 
have traced the steps of Oliver in Rebellion. They began to 
be mighty stiff and hidebound in their proceedings, clothing 
themselves with the flashy pretences of future and imaginary 
honour, and (had they not been suddenly quell' d) they might 
have done so much mischief (for aught I know) that nothing 
but utter mine could have ransomed their headlong follies. 

His Majesty appearing in England, he quickly (by the 
splendor of his Rayes) thawed the stiffness of their frozen 
and slippery intentions. All things (blessed be God for it) 
are at peace and unity here now: And as Luther being asked 
once, What he thought of some small Opinions that started up 
in his time? answered, That he thought them to be good honest 
people, exempting their error: So I judge of these men, That 
their thoughts were not so bad at first, as their actions would 
have led them into in process of time. 

I have here enclosed sent you something written in haste 
upon the Kings coming to the enjoyment of his Throne, with 
a reflection upon the former sad and bad times; I have done 



382 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1661 

them as well as I could, considering all things : If they are not 
so well as they should be, all I can do is to wish them better for 
your sakes. My Obedience to you and my Mother alwayes 
devoted. 

Your Son 



G. A. 



From Mary-Land, Febr. 9. Anno 



To my Cosen Mris. Ellinor Evins. 1 

E' re I forget the Zenith of your Love, 
L et me be banisht from the Thrones above; 
L ight let me never see, when I grow rude, 
I ntomb your Love in base Ingratitude: 
N or may I prosper, but the state 

f gaping Tantalus be my fate; 

R ather then I should thus preposterous grow, 

E arth would condemn me to her vaults below. 

V ertuous and Noble, could my Genius raise 

1 mmortal Anthems to your Vestal praise, 
N one should be more laborious then I, 

S aint-like to Canonize you to the Sky. 

The Antimonial Cup (dear Cosen) you sent me, I had; and 
as soon as I received it, I went to work with the Infirmities 
and Diseases of my body. At the first draught, it made such 
havock among the several humors that had stoln into my body, 
that like a Conjurer in a room among a company of little 
Devils, they no sooner hear him begin to speak high words, 
but away they pack, and happy is he that can get out first, 
some up the Chimney, and the rest down stairs, till they are 
all disperst. So those malignant humors of my body, feeling 
the operative power, and medicinal virtue of this Cup, were 
so amazed at their sudden surprizal, (being alwayes before 
battered only by the weak assaults of some few Emporicks) 
they stood not long to dispute, but with joynt consent made 
their retreat, some running through the sink of the Skullery, the 
rest climbing up my ribs, took my mouth for a Garret-window, 
and so leapt out. 

1 An acrostic. 



1662?] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 383 

Cosen, For this great kindness of yours, in sending me 
this medicinal vertue ; I return you my thanks: It came in a 
very good time, when I was dangerously sick, and by the 
assistance of God it hath perfectly recovered me. 

I have sent you here a few Furrs, they were all I could 
get at present, I humbly beg your acceptance of them, as a 
pledge of my love and thankfulness unto you; I subscribe, 

Your loving Cosen, 
G. A. 

From Mary-Land, Dec. 9. Anno 

To my Brother P. A. 

Brother, 

I have made a shift to unloose my self from my Collar now 
as well as you, but I see at present either small pleasure or 
profit in it: What the futurality of my dayes will bring forth, 
I know not; For while I was linckt with the Chain of a re- 
straining Servitude, I had all things cared for, and now I have 
all things to care for my self, which makes me almost wish my 
self in for the other four years. 

Liberty without money, is like a man opprest with the 
Gout, every step he puts forward puts him to pain; when on 
the other side, he that has Coyn with his Liberty, is like the 
swift Post-Messenger of the Gods, that wears wings at his heels, 
his motion being swift or slow, as he pleaseth. 

I received this year two Caps, the one white, of an honest 
plain countenance, the other purple, which I conceive to be 
some antient Monumental Relique; which of them you sent I 
know not, and it was a wonder how I should, for there was no 
mention in the Letter, more then, that my Brother had sent me 
a Cap : They were delivered me in the company of some Gen- 
tlemen that ingaged me to write a few lines upon the purple 
one, and because they were my Friends I could not deny them; 
and here I present them to you as they were written. 

Haile from the dead, or from Eternity, 

Thou Velvit Relique of Antiquity; 

Thou which appear'st here in thy purple hew, 

Tell's how the dead within their Tombs do doe; 

How those Ghosts fare within each Marble Cell, 



384 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1662? 

Where amongst them for Ages thou didst dwell. 

What Brain didst cover there? tell us that we 

Upon our knees vayle Hats to honour thee: 

And if no honour's due, tell us whose pate 

Thou basely coveredst, and we'l joyntly hate: 

Let's know his name, that we may shew neglect; 

If otherwise, we'l kiss thee with respect. 

Say, didst thou cover Noll's 1 old brazen head, 

Which on the top of Westminster high Lead 

Stands on a Pole, erected to the sky, 

As a grand Trophy to his memory. 

From his perfidious skull didst thou fall down, 

In a disdain to honour such a crown 

With three-pile Velvet? tell me, hadst thou thy fall 

From the high top of that Cathedral? 

None of the Heroes of the Roman stem, 

Wore ever such a fashion'd Diadem, 

Didst thou speak Turkish in thy unknown dress, 

Thou'dst cover Great Mogull, and no man less; 

But in thy make methinks thou'rt too too scant, 

To be so great a Monarch's Turberant. 

The Jews by Moses swear, they never knew 

E're such a Cap drest up in Hebrew: 

Nor the strict Order of the Romish See, 

Wears any Cap that looks so base as thee; 

His Holiness hates thy Lowness, and instead, 

Wears Peters spired Steeple on his head: 

The Cardinals descent is much more flat, 

For want of name, baptized is A Hat; 

Through each strict Order has my fancy ran, 

Both Ambrose, Austin, and the Franciscan, 

Where I beheld rich Images of the dead, 

Yet scarce had one a Cap upon his head: 

Episcopacy wears Caps, but not like thee, 

Though several shap'd, with much diversity: 

'Twere best I think I presently should gang 

To Edenburghs strict Presbyterian; 

But Caps they've none, their ears being made so large. 

Serves them to turn it like a Garnesey Barge; 

Those keep their skulls warm against North-west gusts. 

When they in Pulpit do poor Calvin curse. 

Thou art not Fortunatus, for I daily see, 

1 Oliver Cromwell's. 



1662?] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 385 

That which I wish is farthest off from me: 
Thy low-built state none ever did advance, 
To christen thee the Cap of Maintenance; 
Then till I know from whence thou didst derive 
Thou shalt be call'd, the Cap of Fugitive. 

You writ to me this year to send you some Smoak; at 
that instant it made me wonder that a man of a rational Soul, 
having both his eyes (blessed be God) should make so unrea- 
sonable a demand, when he that has but one eye, nay he which 
has never a one, and is fain to make use of an Animal con- 
ductive for his optick guidance, cannot endure the prejudice 
that Smoak brings with it: But since you are resolv'd upon 
it, Fie dispute it no further. 

I have sent you that which will make Smoak, (namely To- 
bacco) though the Funk it self is so slippery that I could not 
send it, yet I have sent you the Substance from whence the 
Smoak derives: What use you imploy it to I know not, nor will 
I be too importunate to know; yet let me tell you this, That 
if you burn it in a room to affright the Devil from the house, 
you need not fear but it will work the same effect, as Tobyes 
galls did upon the leacherous Fiend. 1 No more at present. 

Vale. 
Your Brother, 

From Mary-Land, Dec. 11. Anno G. A. 

To my Honored Friend Mr. T. B. 

Sir, 

This is the entrance upon my fifth year, and I fear 'twill 
prove the worst: I have been very much troubled with a 
throng of unruly Distempers, that have (contrary to my ex- 
pectation) crouded into the Main-guard of my body, when 
the drowsie Sentinels of my brain were a sleep. Where they 
got in I know not, but to my grief and terror I find them pre- 
dominant: Yet as Doctor Dunne, sometimes Dean of St. 
Pauls, said, That the bodies diseases do but mellow a man for 
Heaven, and so ferments him in this World, as he shall need no 
long concoction in the Grave, but hasten to the Resurrection. 
And if this were weighed seriously in the Ballance of Religious 

"Tobit viii. 2, 3. 



386 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1663 

Reason, the World we dwell in would not seem so inticing and 
bewitching as it doth. 

We are only sent by God of an Errand into this World, and 
the time that's allotted us for to stay, is only for an Answer. 
When God my great Master shall in good earnest call me home, 
which these warnings tell me I have not long to stay, I hope 
then I shall be able to give him a good account of my Message. 

Sir, My weakness gives a stop to my writing, my hand being 
so shakingly feeble, that I can hardly hold my pen any further 
then to tell you, I am yours while I live, which I believe will 
be but some few minutes. 

If this Letter come to you before I'me dead, pray for me, 
but if I am gone, pray howsoever, for they can do me no harm 
if they come after me. 

Vale. 
Your real Friend, 

From Mary-Land, Dec. 13. Anno G. A. 



To my Parents. 

From the Grave or Receptacle of Death am I raised, and 
by an omnipotent power made capable of offering once more 
my Obedience (that lies close cabbined in the inwardmost 
apartment of my Soul) at the feet of your immutable Loves. 

My good Parents, God hath done marvellous things for 
me, far beyond my deserts, which at best were preposterously 
sinful, and unsuitable to the sacred will of an Almighty: But 
he is merciful, and his mercy endures for ever. When sinful 
man has by his Evils and Iniquities pull'd some penetrating 
Judgment upon his head, and finding himself immediately 
not able to stand under so great a burthen as Gods smallest 
stroke of Justice, lowers the Top-gallant sayle of his Pride, 
and with an humble submissiveness prostrates himself before 
the Throne of his sacred Mercy, and like those three Lepars 
that sate at the Gate of Samaria, resolved, If we go into the 
City we shall perish, and if we stay here we shall perish also: 
Therefore we will throw our selves into the hands of the Assy- 
rians and if we perish, 1 we perish: This was just my condition 
as to eternal state; my Soul was at a stand in this black storm of 

X II Kings vii. 3, 4, 5. 



1663?] CHARACTER OF THE PROVINCE OF MARYLAND 387 

affliction: I view'd the World, and all that's pleasure in her, 
and found her altogether flashy, aiery, and full of notional 
pretensions, and not one firm place where a distressed Soul 
could hang his trust on. Next I viewed my self, and there I 
found, instead of good Works, lively Faith, and Charity, a 
most horrid neast of condemned Evils, bearing a supreme 
Prerogative over my internal faculties. You'l say here was 
little hope of rest in this extreme Eclipse, being in a desper- 
ate amaze to see my estate so deplorable: My better Angel 
urged me to deliver up my aggrievances to the Bench of Gods 
Mercy, the sure support of all distressed Souls: His Heavenly 
warning, and inward whispers of the good Spirit I was resolv'd 
to entertain, and not quench, and throw my self into the armes 
of a loving God, If I perish, I perish. 'Tis beyond wonder to 
think of the love of God extended to sinful man, that in the 
deepest distresses or agonies of Affliction, when all other 
things prove rather hinderances then advantages, even at 
that time God is ready and steps forth to the supportment of 
his drooping Spirit. Truly, about a fortnight before I wrote 
this Letter, two of our ablest Physicians rendered me up into 
the hands of God, the universal Doctor of the whole World, 
and subscribed with a silent acknowledgement, That all their 
Arts, screw'd up to the very Zenith of Scholastique perfection, 
were not capable of keeping me from the Grave at that time: 
But God, the great preserver of Soul and Body, said contrary 
to the expectation of humane reason, Arise, take up thy bed 
and walk. 

I am now (through the help of my Maker) creeping up 
to my former strength and vigour, and every day I live, I hope 
I shall, through the assistance of divine Grace, climbe nearer 
and nearer to my eternal home. 

I have received this year three Letters from you, one by 
Capt. Conway Commander of the Wheat-Sheaf, the others by 
a Bristol Ship. Having no more at present to trouble you 
with, but expecting your promise, I remain as ever, 

Your dutiful Son, 

Mary-Land, Apr. 9. Anno G. A. 

I desire my hearty love may be remembered to my Brother, 
and the rest of my Kinred. 



FROM THE JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX, 

1672, 1673 



INTRODUCTION 

Prior to the grant, by Charles II. to William Penn, in 1681, 
of the charter of Pennsylvania, many members of the Society 
of Friends, or Quakers, had availed themselves of the religious 
liberty established in Maryland to settle in that province, 
especially in that portion on the eastern shore of the Chesa- 
peake Bay. These people had received scant hospitality in 
other colonies. In Massachusetts a law was passed banishing 
Quakers, with severe and cruel punishment for returning: 
for the first offense flogging and imprisonment at hard labor; 
for the second offense the ears were to be cut off; and for the 
third the tongue was to be bored with a hot iron. At length, 
in 1658, capital punishment was decreed, and in October, 
1659, members of that Society were actually hanged on Boston 
Common. 1 It is true that at one time in Maryland there was 
an order of Council which bore hardly upon the Quakers, 
but it had no reference to their religious beliefs. It was required 
by general law that every settler should take the oath of 
fidelity to the Lord Proprietary, and that every man capable 
of bearing arms should be enrolled in the militia and provided 
with arms and ammunition. The punishment prescribed in 
the order of Council above referred to for refusal to comply 
with these requirements was banishment from the province, 
and for returning after such banishment, the offender was to 
be whipped from constable to constable until he was again out 
of the province. 2 

1 Fiske, The Beginnings of New England, p. 189. 
a Archives of Maryland, III. 362. 
391 



392 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

The Quakers refused compliance, and they were accused of 
dissuading others from military service, of refusing to be 
sworn as witnesses or to serve as jurors; but it does not ap- 
pear that the penalty was ever imposed upon any one. This 
order of Council was never a law of the province, and it con-i 
tinued in effect for little more than one year. It was during; 
Governor Fendall's brief and inglorious administration. 

Under these conditions, the number of Quakers in Mary- 
land had become so large that in 1661 stated meetings were 
established. 

In 1672, George Fox, the founder of the Society, visited 
its members in America. The following extracts from his 
journal contain the portions relating to Maryland. 

The first extract tells of two general meetings held, one at 
West River and the other in Talbot County, shortly after 
Fox's arrival in Maryland from Jamaica and before his de- 
parture for New England. The second and third extracts tell 
of the meetings held in Maryland after his return from New 
England and before sailing for the Old World. 

The following text is taken from the original publication 
made in London by Thomas Northcott in 1694. There have 
been many subsequent editions of the Journal published. 

C. C. H. 



FROM THE JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX, 

1672, 1673 

Here 1 we found John Burneyate, intending shortly to 
Sail for Old England : but upon our Arrival he altered his 
purpose; and joined with us in the Lord's Service, which we 
were upon. He had appointed a General Meeting for all 
the Friends in the Province of Maryland, that he might see 
them together, and take his Leave of them, before he de- 
parted out of the Country: And it was so ordered by the good 
Providence of God, that we landed just time enough, to reach 
that Meeting; by which means we had a very seasonable 
Opportunity of taking the Friends of the Province together. 
A very large Meeting this was, and held Four Days; to which 
(besides Friends) came many of the World's People, divers 
of which were of considerable Quality in the World's Account: 
For there were amongst them five or six Justices of the Peace, 
a Speaker of their Parliament or Assembly, One of the Council, 
and divers others of Note; who seemed well satisfied with the 
Meeting. After the Publick Meetings were over, the Mens 
and Womens Meetings began; wherein I opened to Friends 
the Service thereof, to their great Satisfaction. 2 After this 
we went to another Place, called the Cliffs, where another Gen- 
eral Meeting was appointed: We went some part of the way 
by Land, and the rest by Water; and a Storm arising, our 

'That is, in Maryland. John Burnyeat, like William Edmundson men- 
tioned below, was a famous travelling Friend. Their narratives of their travels 
were also printed, the former's under the name The Truth Exalted (London, 
1691), those of the latter as Journal of the Life, Travels, etc., of William 
Edmundson (Dublin, 1715). Another account of Maryland, or at least of the 
northeastern part of it, by two other sectaries, writing a few years later, 1679- 
1680, may be found in the Journal of Bankers and Sluyter, which it is intended 
to publish later in this series. 

2 This "meeting for discipline" was the origin of Baltimore Yearly Meeting, 
still one of the chief organizations of American Friends. 

393 



394 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1672 

Boat was run on ground, in danger to be beaten to pieces : and 
the Water came in upon us. I was in a great Sweat, having 
come very hot out of a Meeting before ; and now was Wet with 
the Water beside : yet having Faith in the Power of the Lord, 
I was preserved from taking hurt, blessed be the Lord. To 
this Meeting also many of the World's People came, and did 
receive the Truth with Reverence. We had also a Mens- 
Meeting, and a Womens-Meeting, at which most of the Back- 
sliders came in again; and several of those Meetings were 
established for taking Care of the Affairs of the Church. 

After these Two General Meetings were over, we parted 
Company, dividing our selves into several Coasts, for the 
Service of Truth. James Lancaster and John Cartwright went 
by Sea for New-England; William Edmundson, and three 
Friends more with him, sailed for Virginia, where things were 
much out of Order: John Burneyate, Robert Widders, George 
Pattison and I, with several Friends of the Province, went 
over by Boat to the Eastern Shore, 1 and had a Meeting there 
on the First Day; where many People received the Truth 
with Gladness, and Friends were greatly refreshed. A very 
large and Heavenly Meeting it was, and several Persons of 
Quality in that Country were at it; two of which were Jus- 
tices of the Peace. And it was upon me from the Lord, to send 
to the Indian Emperor and his Kings, to come to that Meeting: 
The Emperor came, and was at the Meeting; but his Kings, 
lying further off, could not reach thither time enough: Yet 
they came after with their Cockarooses. 2 I had in the 
Evening (for they staid all Night) two good Opportunities 
with them; and they heard the Word of the Lord willingly, 
and did confess to it. What I spake to them, I desired 
them to speak to their People; and let them know, That God 
was setting up his Tabernacle of Witness in their Wilderness- 
Country, and was setting up his Standard, and glorious Ensign 
of Righteousness. They carried themselves very courteously 
and lovingly, and inquired, Where the next Meeting would be, 
and they would come to it: Yet they said. They had had a 
great Debate with their Council about their Coming, before 
they came now. 

1 The part of Maryland east of Chesapeake Bay. 

2 See p. 84, note 1. 



1672] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 395 

The next Day we began our Journey by Land to New- 
England, a tedious Journey through the Woods and Wilder- 
ness, over Boggs and great Rivers. We took Horse at the 
Head of Tredaven-Creek, 1 and travelled through the Woods, 
till we came a little above the Head of Miles-River; by which 
we passed, and rode on to the Head of Wye-River: and so 
got to the Head of "Chester-River; where making a Fire, we 
took up our Lodging in the Woods. Next Morning setting 
forward again, we travelled through the Woods, till we came 
to Saxifrax-River, which we went over in Canoos (which -are 
Indian-Boats;) causing our Horses to swim by. Then we 
rode on to Bohemia-River; where in like manner swimmings 
our Horses, we our selves went over in Canoos. We rested a 
little at a Plantation by the Way, but could not stay long, for 
we had Thirty Miles to ride that Afternoon, if we would reach 
a Town; which we were willing to do, and therefore rid hard 
for it. And I with some others, whose Horses were stronger, 
got to the Town that Night, exceedingly tired; and withal wet 
to the Skin: But George Pattison and Robert Widders, being 
weakerhorsed, were fain to fall short, and lie in the Woods 
that Night also; making themselves a Fire. The Town we 
went to, was a Dutch Town, called New-Castle; 2 whither 
Robert Widders and George Pattison came to us next Morn- 
ing. . . . 

On the Sixteenth of the Seventh Month 3 we set forward 
again from hence, 4 and travelled (as near as we could com- 
pute) about Fifty Miles that Day, through the Woods, and over 
the Boggs, heading Bohemia-River and Saxifrax River. At 
Night we made us a Fire (as we used to do) in the Woods, and 
lay there all Night : and it being rainy Weather, we got under 
some thick Trees for Shelter; and afterwards dried our selves 

1 Tred Avon Creek, a tributary of the Choptank River, in Talbot County. 
Miles or St. Michael's River is in the same county. The Wye forms in part the 
border between that and Queen Anne's County. ' The heads of Chester and Sas- 
safras Rivers lie on the border between Kent County and Delaware; that of 
Bohemia River on the boundary between Cecil County and that state. 

2 Newcastle, Delaware. 

3 The narrative is resumed at the point where the return of the writer from 
New England is recorded. The date intended is September 16, 1672, Fox be- 
ginning his years with March. 

4 From Newcastle. 



396 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1672 

again by the Fire. Next Day we waded through Chester- 
River, a very broad Water, and afterwards passing through 
many bad Boggs, lay that Night also in the Woods by a Fire ; 
not having gone (by reason of Hindrances in the River and 
Boggs) above Thirty Miles that day. But on the day follow- 
ing we travelled hard: and though we had some troublesom 
Boggs in our way, we rode about Fifty Miles; and got safe 
that Night, but very weary, to a Friend's House, one Robert 
Harwood, at Miles-River in Mary-land. This was the Eigh- 
teenth Day of the Seventh Month: and though we were very 
weary, and much dirtied with getting through the Boggs in 
our Journey; yet hearing of a Meeting next day, we went to 
it, and from it to John Edmundson's: from whence we went 
three or four Miles by Water to a Meeting on the First-Day 
following. At this Meeting there was a Judge's Wife, who 
had never been at any of our Meetings before; and she was 
reached, and said after the Meeting: She had rather hear us 
once, than the Priests a thousand times. Many others also of 
the World's People, that were there, were very well satisfied; 
For the Power of the Lord was eminently with and amongst 
us : blessed for ever be his holy Name ! We passed from thence 
about twenty two Miles, and had a Meeting upon the Kentish 
Shore, to which one of the Judges came; and a good Meeting 
it was. Then, after we had had another good Meeting hard by 
there, at one Henry Wilcock's House, where also we had good 
Service for the Lord; we went by Water about twenty Miles, to 
a very large Meeting, where were some Hundreds of the World's 
People, and divers of the Chief Rank, both English and Indians : 
For there were four Justices of the Peace, and the High-Sheriff of 
Delaware, and some others from thence: and there was an 
Indian Emperor, or Governour, and two others of the Chief 
Men among the Indians. With these Indians I had a good 
Opportunity the Night before the Meeting; and I spake to' 
them by an Interpreter: and they heard the Truth atten- 
tively, and were very loving. A blessed Meeting this was, 
and of great Service, both for Convincing, and Establishing 
in the Truth them, that were convinced of it; blessed be the 
Lord, who causeth his blessed Truth to spread. After the 
Meeting a Woman came to me, (whose Husband was one 
of the Judges of that part of the Country, and a Member of 



1672] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 397 

the Parliament or Assembly there) and told me, Her Hus- 
band was sick, not like to live; and desired me to go home 
with her to see him. It was three Miles to her House; and 
I being just come hot out of the Meeting, it was hard for me 
then to go: Yet considering the Service, I got an Horse, 
and went with her, and visited her Husband; and spake, 
what the Lord gave me to him: And the Man was much 
refreshed, and finely raised up by the Power of the Lord; 
and he afterwards came to our Meetings. I went back again 
to the Friends that Night; and next day we departed thence, 
and went about nineteen or twenty Miles to Tredhaven-Creek, 
to John Edmundson's again: from whence, on the Third 
of the Eighth Month, we went to the General Meeting for 
all Maryland-Friends. 

This Meeting held five Days together: the first three Days 
we had Meetings for Publick Worship, to which People of all 
sorts came; the other two days were spent in the Mens and 
Womens Meetings. To those Publick Meetings came many of 
the World, both Protestants of divers sorts, and some Papists ; 
and amongst these were several Magistrates, and their Wives, 
and other Persons of chief Account in the Country: and of 
the common People there were so many, besides Friends, 
that they thought, there were sometimes a Thousand People 
at one of those Meetings. So that, although they had not 
long before enlarged their Meeting-place, and made it as big 
again, as it was before; yet it could not contain the People. 
I went by Boat every Day four or five Miles to the Meeting, 
and there were so many Boats at that time passing upon the 
River, that it was almost like the Thames; and People said, 
There were never so many Boats seen there together before. 
And as the Concourse of People was very great (so that one 
of the Justices, who was there, said, He never saw so many 
People together in that Country before;) so it was a very 
Heavenly Meeting, wherein the Presence of the Lord was 
gloriously manifested, and Friends were thereby sweetly re- 
freshed, and the People generally satisfied, and many con- 
vinced : for the blessed Power of the Lord was over all ; ever- 
lasting Praises to his Holy Name for ever. After the Publick 
Meetings were over, the Mens and Womens-Meetings began, 
and were held the other two Days: for I had something to 



398 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1672 

impart to them, which concerned the Glory of God, and the 
Order of the Gospel, and the Government of Christ Jesus. 
So when these Meetings were all over, we took our Leaves 
of Friends in those parts; whom we left well established in 
the Truth (which is of good Report amongst the People there, 
and great Enquirings there are after it, amongst all sorts of 
People.) And upon the Tenth Day of the Eighth Month we 
went from thence about Thirty Miles by Water, passing by 
Cranes-Island, and Swan-Island, and Kent-Island in very 
foul Weather and much Rain; whereby (our Boat being 
open) we were not only very much wetted, but in great dan- 
ger of being overset: Insomuch that some of the World 
thought, we could not have escaped casting away, till they 
saw us come to Shore next morning. But blessed be God, 
we were very well. And having got a little House, and dried 
our Cloths by the Fire, and refreshed our selves a little, we 
betook us to our Boat again; and put off from Land, some- 
times Sailing, and sometimes Rowing: but having very foul 
Weather that day too, we could not get above twelve Miles 
forward that Day. At Night we got to Land, and made us 
a Fire, and some lay by that; and some lay by a Fire at an 
House a little way off. Then, next Morning pursuing our 
Journey, we passed over the great Bay, and sailed about 
Forty Miles that day; and making to Shore at Night, we lay 
there, some in the Boat, and some at an Ale-house by. Next 
morning (it being the First-Day of the Week) we went Six 
or Seven Miles to a Friend's House, who was a Justice of the 
Peace; where we had a Meeting that Day: and this was a 
little above the Head of the Great Bay. So we were almost 
four Days upon the Water, weary with Rowing; yet all was 
very well, blessed and praised be the Lord. We went next 
Day to another Friend's House, near the Head of Hatton's- 
Island, where we had good Service amongst Friends and 
others: as we had also the Day following at Geo. Wilson's, a 
Friend, that lived about three Miles further; where we had 
a very precious Meeting, there being a great Tenderness 
amongst the People. 

After this Meeting we sailed thence about Ten Miles to James 
Frizby's (who was a Justice of the Peace) and there, on the 
Sixteenth of the Eighth Month, we had a very large Meeting; 



1672] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 399 

at which, besides Friends, were some Hundreds of People, as 
it was supposed, and amongst them were several Justices of 
the Peace, and Captains, and the Sheriff, with other Persons 
of Note in the World's Account. A blessed, heavenly Meet- 
ing this was, and a powerful, thundering Testimony for Truth 
was born therein; and a great Sense there was upon the Peo- 
ple, and a great Brokenness and Tenderness was amongst 
them. We stay'd after Meeting, till about the Eleventh Hour 
in the Night, that the Tide turned, and was with us : and then 
taking Boat again, we passed that Night and the next Day 
about Fifty Miles, to another Friend's House. The two next 
days we made short Journies, visiting Friends: and on the 
Twentieth we had a great Meeting at a place called Severn, 1 
where there was a Meeting-Place, but not large enough to 
hold the People by many; for the People of those parts came 
generally to it. Divers of the Chief Magistrates were at it, 
and many other considerable People; and it gave them gen- 
erally great Satisfaction. Two days after we had a Meeting 
with some, that walked disorderly; and we had good Service 
in it. Then spending a day or two in visiting Friends there- 
abouts, we passed to the Western-Shore; 2 and on the Twenty 
fifth Day had a large and precious Meeting at William Coale's, 
where the Speaker of their Assembly, 3 with his Wife, and a 
Justice of Peace, and several other People of Quality were 
present. Next Day we had a Meeting, six or seven Miles 
further, at Abraham Birkhead's, where many of the Magis- 
trates and upper sort of People were; and the Speaker of 
the Parliament or Assembly for that Country was Convinced : 
A blessed Meeting it was, praised be the Lord. We travelled 
on next Day; and on the Day following (which was the Twenty 
eighth of the Eighth Month) had a large and very precious Meet- 
ing at Peter Sharp's, on the Clifts, between Thirty and Forty 
Miles distant from the former. Many of the Magistrates, and 
upper Rank of People were at this Meeting, and a heavenly 
Meeting it was. One of the Governour's Council's Wives was 

1 At or near Annapolis. 

3 Apparently the western shore of the Severn River is meant. The trav- 
ellers were already on the western shore of the bay, having crossed at the head. 

3 Thomas Notley was speaker of the lower house of Assembly at the date 
of this journal. 



400 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1672 

Convinced; and her Husband very loving to Friends: and one 
that came from Virginia (Being a Justice of the Peace there) 
was Convinced; and hath a Meeting since at his House. 
There was some Papists at this Meeting; and one of them 
threatned, before he came, that he would Dispute with me: 
but when he came, he was reached, and could not oppose. 
Blessed be the Lord, the Truth hath reached into the Hearts 
of People beyond Words, and it is of a good Savour amongst 
them. After the Meeting we went about Eighteen Miles to 
James Preston's, a Friend that liveth on Pottuxon-River; 
and thither came to us an Indian King, with his Brother, to 
whom I spake; and I found, they understood the thing I 
spake of. Now having finished our Service in Mary-land, 
and intending forthwith to set forward for Virginia, we had a 
Meeting at Pottuxon on the Fourth Day of the Ninth Month, 
to take our Leaves of Friends. The Meeting was in the Meet- 
ing-Place ; and many of the World's People of all sorts were at 
it; and a powerful Meeting it was. 1 . . . 

We passed over Potomack-River also; the Winds being 
high, the Water very rough, our Sloop open, and the Weather 
extream Cold; and having a Meeting there-aways also, some 
People of the World, that came to it, were Convinced: and 
when we parted thence, some of our Company went amongst 
them. We steered our Course for Pottuxon-River; and I 
sate at Helm most part of the Day, and some of the Night. 
About the First Hour in the Morning we reached James Pres- 
ton's House in Pottuxon-River; which is accounted about 
Two hundred Miles from Nancemum 2 in Virginia. We were 
very weary; yet the next Day (being the First of the Week, 
and Fifth of the Month) we went to the Meeting not far from 
thence: and the same week we went to an Indian-King's 
Cabbin, where several of the Indians were; with whom we 
had a pretty Opportunity to discourse: and they carried 
themselves very lovingly. We went also that Week to a 
General Meeting: from which we went about Eighteen Miles 
further to John Gearies, where we had a very precious Meet- 

1 From November 5, 1672, to January 4, 1673, Fox was occupied in a mis- 
sionary journey through Virginia to Carolina, in Carolina, and back again through 
Virginia, crossing the Rappahannock to the northward on January 4. 

2 Nansemond. 



1673] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 401 

ing; praised be the Lord God for ever! But after this the 
Cold grew so exceeding sharp, such extream Frost and 
snowy Weather, beyond what was usual in that Country; 
so that we could hardly endure to be in it. Neither was it 
easie or safe to stir abroad; yet we got (with some Difficulty) 
six Miles through the Snow to John Mayor's, where we met 
with some Friends, that were come from New-England; 
whom we had left there, when we came away: and glad we 
were to see each other, after so long and tedious Travels. 
By these Friends we understood, that William Edmundson, 
having been at Road-Island and New-England, was gone 
from thence for Ireland; that Solomon Eccles coming from 
Jamaica, and landing at Boston in New-England, was taken 
at a Meeting there, and banished to Barbados; that John 
Stubbs and another Friend were gone into New- Jersey, and 
several other Friends to Barbados, Jamaica, and the Leeward- 
Islands. It was Matter of Joy to us to understand, that the 
Work of the Lord went on and prospered, and that Friends 
were unwearied, and diligent in the Service. 

On the Twenty Seventh of the Eleventh Month, we had a 
very precious Meeting in a Tobacco-House: and on the next 
Day we returned to James Preston's, about Eighteen Miles 
distant. But when we came there we found, his House was 
burnt down to the Ground the Night before, through the 
Carelessness of a Maid-servant : So we lay three Nights on the 
Ground by the Fire, the Weather being very Cold. We made 
an Observation, which was somewhat strange, but certainly 
true; that one Day in the midst of this Cold Weather, the 
Wind turning into the South, it grew so hot, that we could 
hardly bear the Heat ; and the next Day and Night, the Wind 
chopping back into the North, we could hardly endure the 
Cold. 

On the Second of the Twelfth Month, we had a glorious 
Meeting at Pottuxon: and after it went to John Gearie's 
again, where we waited for a Boat, to carry us to the Monthly 
Meeting at the Clifts; to which we went, and a living Meeting 
it was, praised be the Lord: This was on the Sixth of the 
Twelfth Month. And another Meeting we had on the Ninth, 
wherein the Glory of the Lord shined over all; blessed and 
magnified be his Holy Name for ever. 



402 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1673 

From hence we intended to go to Anamessy; 1 and on the 
Twelfth Day of the Twelfth Month we set forward in our 
Boat: And travelling by Night, as well as by Day, in the 
Night we run our Boat on Ground in a Creek near Manaco- 
River. There we were fain to stay, till Morning, that the Tide 
came, and lifted her off again : And in the mean time, sitting 
in an open Boat, and the Weather being bitter-cold, some 
had like to have lost the Use of their Hands, they were so 
frozen and benummed with Cold. But in the Morning, when 
the Tide had set our Boat a-float again, we got to Land, and 
made us a good Fire; at which we warmed our selves well : and 
then went to our Boat again, and passed on about ten miles 
further to a Friend's House; where next day we had a very 
precious Meeting, at which some of the Chiefs of the Place 
were. I went after the Meeting to a Friend's House, about 
four miles off, at the Head of Anamessy-River; where on the 
Day following, the Judge of the Country, and a Justice with 
him came to me, and were very loving, and much satisfied with 
Friend's Order. The next Day we had a large Meeting at 
the Justice's House, but it was in his Barn; for his House 
could not hold the Company. There were several of the Great 
Folks of that Country; and among the rest there was an 
Opposer : but all was preserved quiet and well, and a precious 
Meeting it was; and the People were much taken and affected 
with the Truth, blessed be the Lord. We went next Day to 
see one Capt. Colburn, who was also a Justice of the Peace; 
and there we had some Service. Then returning again, we 
had a very glorious Meeting at the same Justice's, where we 
met before; and there were many People of Account in the 
World, Magistrates, Officers, and others at it. It was a large 
Meeting, and the Power of the Lord was much felt; so that 
the People were generally well satisfied, and taken with the 
Truth : and there being several, both Merchants, and Masters 
of Ships from New-England, the Truth was spread abroad; 
blessed be the Lord! 

A Day or two after, departing from this place, we travelled 
about sixteen miles through the Woods and Bogs, heading 
Anamessy-River, j and Amoroca-River; part of which last we 

1 Annamessicks, described in Archives of Maryland, III. 452, as four miles 
from Manokin, in Somerset County, on the eastern shore of the bay. 



1673] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 403 

went over in a Canooe, and came to Manaoke, 1 to a Friendly 
Woman's House: where on the Twenty fourth of the Twelfth 
Month, we had a large Meeting in a Barn; and the Lord's liv- 
ing Presence was with us, and among the People: blessed be 
his Holy Name for ever-more! Friends had never had a 
Meeting in those Parts before. After this Meeting we passed 
over the River Wicocomaco, 2 and through many bad and 
watry Swamps and Marish Way; and came to James Jones, 
a Friend, who was a Justice of the Peace: where we had a 
large and very glorious Meeting, praised be the Lord God. 
Then passing over the Water in a Boat, we took Horse, and 
travelled about Twenty four Miles through Woods and trouble- 
som Swamps, and came to another Justice's House; where 
we had a very large Meeting, much People of the World 
being at it, and many of Considerable Account amongst 
them: and the living Presence of the Lord was amongst us, 
praised for ever be his holy Name! This was on the Third 
Day of the First Month, 1672/3. And on the Fifth Day 
of the same we had another living and heavenly Meeting, 
at which divers of the Justices, with their Wives, and many 
others of the World's People were; amongst whom we had 
very good Service for the Lord, blessed be his Holy Name. 
At this Meeting was a Woman that lived at Anamessy, who 
had been many Years in Trouble of Mind; and sometimes 
would sit moping near two Months together, and hardly 
speak or mind any thing. When I heard of her, I was moved 
of the Lord to go to her, and tell her, That Salvation was 
come to her House. And after I had spoken the Word of 
Life to her, and intreated the Lord for her, she mended; and 
went up and down with us to Meetings, and is since well: 
blessed be the Lord! 

Being now clear of these parts, we left Anamessy on the 
Seventh Day of the First Month : and passing by Water about 
Fifty Miles, came to a Friendly Woman's House at Hunger- 
River. 3 We had very rough Weather in our Passage to this 
Place, and were in great Danger, for the Boat had like to have 
been turned over: and I lost both my Hat and Cap: yet we 

1 Manokin, in Somerset County. 

2 This is the Eastern-Shore Wicomico, in Wicomico County. 

8 Honga River. 



404 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1673 

recovered them again with much ado; and through the good 
Providence of God got safe thither, praised be his Name. At 
this place we had a Meeting, where we had never any before; 
and amongst the People that were at it, there were two Pa- 
pists, a Man and a Woman: the Man was very tender; and 
the Woman confessed to the Truth. This Meeting was not so 
large, as it would have been, if many, who intended to have 
been at it, could have got to it : but the Weather was so foul, 
and the Water by reason of high Winds, so rough, that it was 
not safe to pass upon it. I had no Friend now with me, but 
Robert Widders; the rest having dispersed themselves into 
several parts of the Country in the Service of Truth. 

So soon as the Wind would permit, we passed from hence 
about Forty Miles by water, rowing most part of the way; and 
came to the Head of little Choptanck-River, to Dr. Winsmore's, 
who was a Justice of Peace, and lately convinced. Here we 
met with some Friends, with whom we staid a while : and then 
went on by Land and Water, and had a large Meeting abroad ; 
for the House we were at, could not receive the People. There 
were divers of the Magistrates, and their Wives at this Meeting ; 
and a good Meeting it was, blessed be the Lord, who is making 
his Name known in that Wilderness-Country. We went back 
from thence to a Friend's House, whose Name is William Ste- 
phen's, where we met with those other Friends, that had been 
travelling in other parts; and were much refreshed in the Lord 
together, when we imparted to each other the good Success, we 
had had in the Lord's Work, and the Prosperity and spreading of 
Truth in the places, where we travelled. John Cartwright and 
another Friend had been at Virginia, where were great Desires 
in People after the Truth: and being now returned, they staid 
but a little with us here ; and then set forward for Barbados. 
But before we left this place, we had a very glorious Meeting 
here, at which were very many of the World's People, and some 
of the Chief of them. For there was the Judge of that Coun- 
try, and three Justices of the Peace, and the High-Sheriff, with 
their Wives, and several others: And of Indians there was 
he, who was called their Emperor, and one of the Indian Kings, 
and their Speaker; who all sate very attentive, and carried 
themselves very lovingly: and an establishing, settling Meet- 
ing it was. This was on the Twenty third of the First Month. 



1673] JOURNAL OF GEORGE FOX 405 

And on the Twenty fourth we went by Water ten Miles 
to the Indian Town, where this same Emperor dwelt; whom 
I had acquainted before with my Coming, and desired him to 
get their Kings and Councils together. In the Morning the 
Emperor came himself, and had me to the Town, and they 
were generally come together, and had their Speaker, and 
other Officers with them, and the Old Empress sate among 
them: And to give them their due, they sate very grave and 
sober, and were all very attentive, beyond many that are 
called Christians. I had some with me, that could interpret 
to them; and we had a very good Meeting with them, and of 
very good Service it was: for it gave them a good Esteem of 
Truth and Friends; blessed be the Lord! 

After this, we had many Meetings in several parts of that 
Country; one at William Stephens's, which was a general 
Meeting once a Month: another at Tredhaven-Creek ; another 
at Wye; another at Reconow-Creek ; and another at Thomas 
Taylor's in the Island of Kent. Most of these Meetings 
were large, there being many of the World's People at them, 
and divers of them of the most Considerable in the World's 
Account: And the Lord's Power and living Presence was 
with us, and plenteously manifested amongst the People, 
by which their Hearts were tendred, and opened to receive 
the Truth, which had a good Savour amongst them; blessed 
be the Lord God over all for ever. Then being clear of that 
side, we passed over the Bay 1 about Fourteen Miles to a 
Friend's House, where we met with several Friends; and I sent 
for Thomas Thurston thither, and had a Meeting with him, 
to bring the Truth over his bad Actions. 

Now having travelled through most parts of that Coun- 
try, and visited most of the Plantations thereabouts, and 
had very good Service for the Lord in America, having alarm'd 
the People of all sorts, where we came, and proclaimed the 
Day of God's Salvation amongst them; we found, our Spirits 
began to be clear of those parts of the World, and to draw 
towards Old England again. Yet we were desirous, and felt 
Freedom from the Lord to stay, till the General Meeting for 
that Province of Mary-land was over (which drew nigh;) 
that we might see Friends generally together, before we de- 

1 To the Western Shore. 



406 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1673 

parted. Wherefore spending our time in the interim, partly 
in visiting Friends and Friendly People, and in having Meet- 
ings about the Clifts and Pottuxon; and partly in writing 
Answers to some Cavilling Objections, which some of Truth's 
Adversaries had raised and spread abroad, to hinder People 
from receiving the Truth: we were not idle, but laboured in 
the Work of the Lord, until that General Provincial Meeting 
came on; which began on the Seventeenth Day of the Third 
Month, and lasted four Days. On the First of these days the 
Men and Women had their Meetings for Business, wherein the 
Affairs of the Church of God were taken Care of; and many 
things, relating thereunto, were opened unto them to their 
Edification and Comfort. The other Three Days were spent 
in Publick Meetings for the Worship of God, at which divers of 
considerable Account in the Government, and many others 
of the World's People were present; who were generally satis- 
fied, and many of them reached: for it was a wonderful, 
glorious Meeting, and the mighty Presence of the Lord was 
seen and felt over all; blessed and praised be his Holy Name 
for ever, who over all giveth Dominion! 



REPORTS OF CONFERENCES BETWEEN LORD 
BALTIMORE AND WILLIAM PENN, AND 
THEIR AGENTS, 1682, 1683, 1684 



INTRODUCTION 

On March 4, 1680/1, Charles II., King of England, made a 
grant to William Penn of the province of Pennsylvania. Its 
area, in language said to have been settled by Lord Chief Jus- 
tice North, was described as bounded as follows: "the Dela- 
ware on the east, whence it extended westward five degrees 
of longitude, the 43d degree of latitude on the north, and on 
the south a circle of twelve miles drawn about New Castle to 
the beginning of the 40th degree of latitude." This definition 
of the southern boundary was impossible of gratification under 
any interpretation that could be put upon it. The question 
was therefore left open whether the " circle of twelve miles 
about New Castle" meant a circle having that circumference 
with Newcastle as its centre; a circle with that diameter, with 
Newcastle at the centre, or a circle of twelve miles radius 
drawn about that point. But even with this last, the most 
favorable construction, the conditions were impossible of ful- 
filment, for Newcastle lies twenty miles south of the fortieth 
degree of north latitude. 

The boundaries of Maryland, as defined in the charter 
from Charles I., dated June 20, 1632, included all that part of 
the peninsula lying between the ocean and the Chesapeake Bay 
which lay north of a right line running east from Watkins 
Point on the bay to the ocean, thence northerly to that part of 
Delaware Bay which lies under the fortieth degree of north 
latitude where New England is terminated; thence westerly 
in a right line from Delaware Bay by the degree aforesaid to 
the true meridian of the first source of the Potomac River, 
then south to the south bank of the said river, and thence 
easterly and southerly following the south bank of the river, 

409 



410 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

and then across the Bay by the shortest line to Watkins Point, 
the place of beginning. 1 

Penn had persuaded himself and assured others that the 
head of the Chesapeake Bay fell within the area of his grant ; 
but the fortieth degree of north latitude which was named as 
his south boundary as well as the north boundary of Lord 
Baltimore's province, lies many miles north of the head of the 
bay; and when this fact was made plain Penn was eager to 
secure by some means or other an outlet upon the bay which 
would not be subject to control by his neighbor on the south. 
Hence the prolonged and fruitless discussions, the reports of 
which are here given. 

It will be observed that throughout these discussions Lord 
Baltimore (it was Charles, third Baron, who had succeeded to 
the title in 1675) made no suggestions whatever. He simply 
insisted upon the terms of his charter, and that the true loca- 
tion of the fortieth degree of north latitude should be deter- 
mined by astronomical observations made on the spot with 
adequate instruments. 

In March, 1664, Charles II. had granted to his brother, 
James, the Duke of York, all the territory lying between the 
Connecticut River and the eastern shore of the Delaware. 
This included the region that had been settled by the Dutch 
and by them called New Netherland. In September of that 
year the Dutch colonists were reduced to subjection by a 
force under the command of Colonel Nicholls, and in the fol- 
lowing month the Dutch settlements on the west bank of the 
Delaware, which lay within the territory granted to Lord 
Baltimore, were likewise reduced to subjection. Penn, ap- 
parently feeling doubtful about the success of his efforts to 
secure an outlet on the Chesapeake, endeavored to make sure 
of one on the Delaware by obtaining from the Duke of York 
a grant of land on its west side, north of Cape Henlopen, all 

1 Charter of Maryland, p. 102, supra. 



INTRODUCTION 411 

of which lay within the limits of Lord Baltimore's patent. 
This grant was made in August, 1682. After the failure of 
his negotiations with Lord Baltimore, Penn hastened to Eng- 
land to secure a confirmation of his title to this territory upon 
the Delaware. Against Lord Baltimore's claim to ownership 
was urged the expression hactenus inculta (hitherto unculti- 
vated) which had previously been urged by both Claiborne 1 
in respect to Kent Island and the Dutch envoys 2 in 1659. 
It was also argued that Baltimore's claim was barred by his 
long acquiescence in the Dutch settlements and his failure 
to reduce them to obedience by force of arms; and that the 
Duke of York's title was complete by right of conquest. The 
Duke in 1685 succeeded to the throne as James II., and by him 
the application of Penn was referred to the Commissioners of 
Trade and Plantations. The Commissioners were therefore 
required to determine the delicate question as to whether 
a grant made by the King when he was Duke of York was 
valid or not. They decided in favor of its validity, and di- 
rected that to avoid contests in the future the peninsula be- 
tween the two bays be divided into two equal parts by a line 
drawn from the latitude of Cape Henlopen northward to the 
fortieth degree; and declared that the western half belonged 
to Lord Baltimore, and the eastern to his Majesty, and con- 
sequently to his grantee William Penn. 3 

Though running beyond the limits of the narratives here 
printed, it may be useful briefly to state the outcome of this 
dispute. After the decision in his favor as to Delaware, Penn 
procured the issue of a writ of quo warranto for the annulment 
of the charter of Maryland; but proceedings in the case were 

1 Virginia and Maryland, pp. 190, 201, supra. 

2 Journal of the Dutch Embassy, p. 329, supra. 

3 In respect to the claim of Claiborne, based on the expression hactenus 
inculta, the Lords Commissioners of Plantations had in 1638, during the reign of 
Charles I., decided in favor of Lord Baltimore (p. 190 supra). That decision and 
the one mentioned above have only this in common, that each sustained the va- 
lidity of a grant made by the reigning sovereign. 



412 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND 

brought to an abrupt termination by the flight of James II. 
and the accession of William and Mary to the throne. King 
William soon assumed direct jurisdiction over both Maryland 
and Pennsylvania, and appointed governors in the name of the 
Crown. The authority of the Proprietary of Maryland was not 
restored until 1716. By reason of the death of the original 
parties to the contest, and the intervention of royal gover- 
nors, the boundary dispute slumbered; but eventually it was 
renewed between the sons of William Penn and Charles, fifth 
Lord Baltimore. In 1732 the latter entered into an agreement 
with the Penns for the settlement of the matter in accordance 
with a map attached to the paper. How he was led to do 
this it is impossible now to determine, for the map to which 
he gave his assent was palpably inaccurate and by accepting 
it he surrendered everything for which his grandfather had 
vigorously contended. Well-known landmarks were misplaced 
on this map, and Cape Henlopen, from which one of the lines 
was to run, was marked at about twenty miles to the south of 
its true location. The agreement was ingeniously worded 
that the dividing line should run, not from that cape, but 
from the point "on the said map called Cape Henlopen." It 
was also agreed that the boundary should be run fifteen miles 
south of the southernmost point of Philadelphia, while the 
fortieth degree of latitude, mentioned in both grants as the 
boundary, lies north of that city. When, upon visiting Mary- 
land during the same year, these errors were pointed out to 
Lord Baltimore, he repudiated the agreement, and this led to 
proceedings in chancery for its enforcement. A final decision 
was not reached until 1750 when the Lord Chancellor held that 
the agreement of 1732 was binding upon the parties thereto, and 
issued a decree in accordance with that opinion. By this de- 
cision the territory of Maryland was reduced by a strip about 
twenty miles wide along the entire length of the northern 
boundary, and in obedience to the decree a line was surveyed, 



INTRODUCTION 413 

run and marked by monuments to establish the boundary be- 
tween the two provinces as thus determined. This is the 
famous Mason and Dixon's line — so called from the names of 
the English engineers by whom its location was established. 

The reports of the two conferences between Lord Balti- 
more and William Penn were printed in the Archives of Mary- 
land, V. 374 et seq., from copies made from the Colonial Papers 
in the Public Record Office in London; also in the Pennsyl- 
vania Magazine of History, VI. 414. The report of the con- 
ference between William Penn and Colonel Talbot was printed 
in the Maryland Historical Magazine, III. 21, from the original 
manuscript in the possession of the Maryland Historical 

Society. 

C. C. H. 



REPORTS OF CONFERENCES BETWEEN LORD 
BALTIMORE AND WILLIAM PENN, AND 
THEIR AGENTS, 1682, 1683, 1684 

A narrative of the whole Proceedings betwixt the Lord Balte- 
more and Captain William Markham Deputy Governor 
under William Pen Esq™ as alsoe betwixt the Lord Balte- 
more, and the said Pen. 

His Majestie having bin graciously pleased to give to M r 
William Pen a Tract of Land in America to the northward of 
Maryland, the said Pen in Aprill (1681) sends one Captain 
William Markham his kinsman 1 to be his deputy and towards 
the latter end of August following, Captain W m Markham 
came to Maryland with a letter from M r Pen to the Lord Bal- 
temore and at the same time brought another from His most 
sacred Majesty bearing date the second day of Aprill in the 
three and thirtieth year of His Majestie's reign. 2 The Lord 
Baltemore having perused the king's letter, as also that from 
M r Pen, the said Markham was assured by the Lord Balte- 
more, that the king's commands should be readily and very 
speedily obeyed, and by that means M r Pen's desires and re- 
quest would be likewise complyed with, the said Pen having 
by his letter requested that the Lord Baltemore would give all 
the dispatch possible in the business of the bounds. 

But by reason of the great heats then in August Captain 
Markham happened to fall dangerously ill, and because the 
Lord Baltemore was willing to embrace all opportunities of 
expressing his great friendshipp, respect and kindness to M r 
Pen, he invited M r Markham to his house where he continued 

1 William Markham was deputy for Penn from April, 1681, till Perm's arrival 
in October, 1682, and at subsequent times deputy-governor or otherwise con- 
cerned in the administration of Pennsylvania and Delaware. 

a April 2, 1681. The letter is printed in Archives of Maryland, V. 273. 

414 



1681] BALTIMORE AND MARKHAM 415 

very dangerously ill for the space of three weeks and better; 
some time in September the said Markham grew soe well that 
he resolved to return to Delaware, and before he parted with 
the Lord Baltemore they both agreed to meete the sixteenth 
of October next following, in order to take observation for 
the ascertaineing the fortieth degree of northern latitude; the 
said Markham haveing promised, and assured the Lord Balte- 
more, that he would send to New York to borrow of one Col. 
Lewis Morris there a sextile 1 of six or seaven foote radiis, being 
the only fit instrument that could be heard of. Captain 
Markham meeting with a long passage up Chesapeake Bay 
writes to the Lord Baltemore, that he could not possibly 
attend the sixteenth as had been agreed on, but desired it 
might be on the twenty sixth of October. But soone after 
that, came another letter from Captain Markham, wherein he 
gave the Lord Baltemore advice, that he was relapsed, and 
soe ill that he should not be able to attend the business of the 
bounds till the Spring. 

Whilst the said Markham was said to be thus ill, many 
reports were given out by the friends (vulgarly called Quakers) 
both of Maryland, as well as those of Pensylvania, that the 
degree of forty northerly latitude would be as lowe as Pooles 
Island in the Bay of Cheaspeak; and it seems that M r Pen had 
bin so far possesst therewith, that he made bold to write a 
letter 2 dated the sixteenth of September (1681) and directed 
the same to James Frisby, Edward Jones, Augustine Herman, 3 
George Oulfield, Henry Ward and Henry Johnson, at their 
Plantations in Pensylvania; for soe was the letter superscribed, 
the contents of which being, that as he was confident, and 
ready to beleeve they were within his bounds they should not 
pay any more taxes, or sessments by any Order or law of 
Maryland etc. This letter soe alarmed the Inhabitants of 
Baltemore and Cecell Countys, 4 that they immediately refused 
paying their levys, which had bin assessed by a Law past but 
two months afore this happened. Notice hereof being given 

1 Sextant. 

2 The original letter is in the possession of the Maryland Historical Society. 
It is printed in Calvert Papers no. 1, p. 323, and in Archives of Maryland, V. 285. 

3 See p. 311, supra. 

4 Then comprising the whole northeastern part of Maryland. 



416 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682 

to the Lord Baltemore and his Councill, orders were immedi- 
ately issued out to the military Officers of the said Countys 
to assist the respective Sheriffs in the due execution of theire 
office, and with great difficulty it was that some of the in- 
habitants were made to comply with the then Publick leavy; 
tho ; the parties to whom that letter was particularly directed, 
gave little credit to it, being confident that M r Pen had been 
misinformed, as it will sufficiently appeare both he and many 
others have been, in relation to the fortieth degree of northern 
latitude. 

The trouble and indeed sedition that the said letter had 
occasioned for some little time, made the Lord Baltemore 
judge it absolutely necessary to have the bounds speedily 
fixst; but Captain Markham was said to have a tertian Quar- 
tan ague, soe that the Lord Baltemore could not procure the 
settlement of the bounds, as he then desired; some time 
after this, reports came down to the Lord Baltemore, that one 
William Haig a Quaker, and much employed by M r Pen had 
taken observation at the head of the Bay, which very much 
dissatisfied the said Haig and other friends, for upon those ob- 
servations it was then given out by the Quakers, that if the 
degree of forty did not afford William Pen a Harbor, he would 
be forct to buy one of Baltemore, or otherwise that their ships 
must enter and cleer in Maryland. The said Haig in a short 
time after this came to the Lord Baltemore's House on Pat- 
tuxent river, where, amongst other discourse, the Lord Balte- 
more askt the said Haig whether he had not taken some ob- 
servations at Elk river for his private satisfaction, which Haig 
owned; but with all pretended that the Instrument was soe 
small, that there could be noe certainty; the Lord Baltemore 
prest no further but told the said Haig he should be glad that 
Markham were well, for that he had several reasons to press for 
a dispatch of the business of the bounds; that the quiet and 
peace of Maryland very much required it. 

The fourteenth of May (1682) the Lord Baltemore writt a 
letter to Capt : Markham, who, he understood, to be well, to 
signifie that he appointed the tenth of June to meete him with 
persons to settle the bounds; to which letter the said Mark- 
ham gave answer, and with assurance, that he would not faile 
to meete the Lord Baltemore at M r Augustin Herman's Plan- 



1682] BALTIMORE AND MARKHAM 417 

tation on Bohemia river, which was the place the Lord Balte- 
more appointed to meet him; but some disturbance about that 
time happening in Virginia, the Lord Baltemore did not think 
it prudent, nor indeed safe for the Province, to be at any dis- 
tance from Patomeck river, over which the mutineers in Vir- 
ginia threatened to come to cutt up the tobaccos in Maryland, 
as they had don in some Countys of Virginia; 1 The Lord 
Baltemore therefore sent away Commissioners who were pre- 
cisely on the tenth of June at Augustin Herman's Plantation, 
but neither finding Capt: William Markham nor any person 
else there from him, they immediately writt to him, and sent 
their letter by an expresse. But to that no answer was given, 
nor to a second they writt, tho' both (as can be proved) came 
speedily to the said Markham, who, to be out of the way at 
that time, pretended business at New York. 

When the Commissioners had expected some days, and 
finding noe hopes of seeing Markham, they for the Lord Balte- 
more's satisfaction made three several observations, in which 
they differed not above a minute or two. After this they 
being nere New Castle they had a curiosity to see that town, 
and being there they were told there was a sloop newly arrived 
from New York, that had brought the instrument which 
Captain Markham had sent to Colonel Lewis Morris for: with 
some difficulty and many entreaties they persuaded the mas- 
ter of the sloope to permitt them the use of it, and with it in 
a very cleere day being on the twenty seaventh of June (1682) 
they found the latitude of the place of observation which was 
in the towne, to be thirty nine degrees forty odd minutes. 

After the taking of this observation the Cornm 1 " 3 returned, 
and then the said Markham sent letters, excuseing his being 
absent, and signified that he would be ready when ever the 
Lord Baltemore would appoint a second time; upon this 
the Lord Baltemore by Letters signified to Captain Markham, 
that he would not faile to be up at Augustine Herman's some 
time in September following; but a day certaine could not be 
fixt, by the Lord Baltemore in regard, as he signified by his 
letter, to the said Markham, that two of his Artists were then 

1 The allusion is to the plant-cutting riots in Gloucester, New Kent, and Mid- 
dlesex Counties, Virginia, in May, 1682. See Hening, Statutes at Large of Vir- 
ginia, II. 562, III. 11. 



418 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682 

ill; but on the twelfth of September the Lord Baltemore set 
saile from Patuxent up the Bay and on the fourteenth the Ld. 
Baltemore mett at Major Peeter Sawyers a letter from Captain 
Markham dated the eighth of the same month, wherein he 
positively promised, and assured the Lord Baltemore that he 
would attend his coming. This letter put the Lord Baltemore 
out of all doubts, assureing himself that Markham would not 
be guilty of such incivilities and indecencies as he had offered 
the Commissioners. 

On the 19 th of September the Lord Baltemore being ar- 
rived at Elk river he sent a letter to Markham to give him 
notice of his being there, on the twentieth his Ldp. writt to the 
said Markham againe. After writeing that letter the Lord 
Baltemore being certainely advised that Markham was gon 
up Delaware, and finding little roome, and want of severall 
conveniences at M r Herman's, the Lord Baltemore, with about 
twelve Gentlemen in Company with him, in all not above twenty 
persons, went the one and twentieth to New Castle, where 
staying till the three and twentieth, and heareing noe news of 
Markham's comeing, tho' it was proved he had received both 
the L d Baltemore's letters, his Ldp the said three and twen- 
tieth in the evening procured boats, and that night reacht 
Upland 1 and tooke his quarters in Captain Markham's lodge- 
ings, who, his Ldp was told, was newly gon up to Burlington 
in East 2 new Jersey being gon after his receipt of his Lord- 
shipp's first letter of the 19 th of September. 

Sunday morning being the twenty fourth very early, 
Markham came into the creeke, at Upland, and was not a little 
amazed to understand that the Lord Baltemore was there. 
About tenn of the clock that morning, Captain Markham came 
to see the Lord Baltemore, but with such a disordered counte- 
nance, and odd behaviour, as was easily perceived by all the 
Company. The L d Baltemore not seeming to take any notice 
of the confusion he saw him in desired of Captain Markham 
that he might see the new Instrument for observation, which 
he heard M r Pen had sent him, the which he readily yielded to, 
but for want of some small glasses, which the said Markham 
said William Haig had taken away, the instrument could not 
be made use of; Soe then the Lord Baltemore requested he 

*Now Chester, Pennsylvania. 2 West. 



1682] BALTIMORE AND MARKHAM 419 

might see the instrument Colonel Lewis Morris had lent, which 
was likewise brought forth by one richard Noble a quaker, 
who sett the same up, and it being a very cleer day observacion 
was taken therewith, by the said Noble, as likewise by those 
artists the Lord Baltemore had with him and they all agreed 
that the latitude of Upland was by that sextile of Colonel 
Morris in 39 degrees forty seven minutes and five seconds; 1 
after the taking of this observacion the Lord Baltemore told 
Captain Markham, that since the degree of north latitude would 
be about twelve miles more due north from Upland it would be 
necessary to goe up Delaware river to see where forty did cut 
the said river; But the said Markham by the advice of Haig 
(who seemed to govern more than Markham) declined that 
proposition giving very slight reasons for his refusall, but 
told the Lord Baltemore that he was ready to goe to the heads 
of any of the rivers in the Bay to take the fortieth degree of 
north latitude, and to assure the Lord Baltemore of that, he 
immediately gave it under his hand ; which the Lord Baltemore 
has ready to produce. 

The twenty fifth of September being munday the Lord 
Baltemore resolved to take his leave at Upland, and in the 
afternoone the Lord Baltemore, Captain Markham and above 
forty more, being at the landing in order to take boate, the L d 
Baltemore spoake to the said Markham thus: You are sen- 
sible, Captain Markham, that by an observacion taken yester- 
day, that this Plantation is in thirty nine degrees forty seaven 
minutes and some seconds, and must therefore be sensible 
that I am here about twelve miles to the southward of the 
degree of forty, which is my north bounds, as the same is M r 
Pen's south bounds. Therefore, afore you and afore all the 
rest here present I lay claime to this place, and as far further as 
the degree of forty will reach; to this Captain Markham re- 
plied nothing, but immediately conducted the L d Baltemore to 
the Boate, assureing the Lord Baltemore that he would not 
faile the next day being the 26 th to be at New Castle with 
Colonel Lewis Morris' Instrument, which the Lord Baltemore 
desired, and the said Markham likewise promised faithfully to 
bring with him to the end the degree of forty might be taken 
at the head of the Bay. 

1 Actually, 39° 48' N. 



420 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682 

The twenty sixth and twenty seaventh the Lord Balte- 
more waited at New Castle for Markham, but finding there 
was no hopes of seeing him, the Lord Baltemore returned to 
M r Augustin Herman's and thither came a letter from Mark- 
ham signifying that the persons most concerned for the Gov- 
ernment, would noe wise consent that he should meete, as he 
had given under his hand, giving this reason that the Quakers 
were very much disordered by the Lord Baltemore's laying 
claim to a place called Chichester about three or four miles 
below Upland. This being all that was don in relacion to 
the business of the bounds, notwithstanding His Majestie's 
letter of the second of April (1681) procured by the said Wil- 
liam Pen, the said letter ordering the Lord Baltemore to ap- 
point with all convenient speed Some person or persons who 
might in conjunction with the Agent or Agents of the said 
William Pen make a true division and seperacion of the Pro- 
vinces of Maryland and Pensylvania according to the bounds 
and degree of Northern latitude expressed in our letters 
Pattents by settling and fixing certaine land marks where they 
shall appeare to border upon each other, which are the words 
of His Majestie's said letter. This letter of the King's was 
little regarded, tho' M r Pen's letter 1 of the tenth of April (1681) 
to the Lord Baltemore gave notable hints for the speedy com- 
plying with His Majestie's Commands in that letter of the 
second of April, the which the L d Baltemore was forward 
enough to have obey'd, had others had that due regard to His 
Majestie's grace and favour therein. But it not serveing the 
turne was wholy layd aside by Pen's Agent. 

About the twenty fourth of October following M r W m Pen 
comes into Delaware river, and came to an anchor afore New 
Castle, and there demanded and tooke the keyes of that Towne, 
and then tooke possession of what else His royal Highness the 
Duke of York pretends to; tho' the same hath been justly 
claimed by the present L d Baltemore as also by his Father, 
This being don, without taking the least notice of his High- 
ness his Gov r at New York, and altho' the said William Pen 
sent a letter by his Secretary to the Lord Baltemore bearing 
date the second of November (1682) writt at New Castle, yett 
M r Pen made no mention of such his proceedings, nor did he 

1 Calvert Papers no. 1 (Md. Hist. Soc, Fund Pub. no. 28), p. 322. 



1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 421 

order his Secretary to take any notice thereof, which seemed 
a little strange to the Lord Baltemore who had bin told by 
M r Pen formerly that His royal Highness the Duke of York 
had made him offers of his pretentions on Delaware, and that 
he had refused the Duke in regard (as he signified) he knew 
it to be the Lord Baltemore's and of this the Lord Baltemore 
took notice to M r Pen at their Conference. 

On the thirteenth of December last the Lord Baltemore and 
M r William Pen had a conference at the house of Colonel Tho s 
Tailler at the ridge in Ann Arrundell County, to which place 
the said William Pen was so kind as to come; but afore the 
conference (which M r Pen desired should have bin private) 
there was some what spoke by the said Pen, which in short 
was as followeth. M r Pen signified, that as the King had 
given him a considerable Tract of land to the backward of the 
Lord Baltemore, he was sensible that without the Lord Balte- 
more's good neighbourhood and kindness to him, a great part 
of that Countrey soe given him, would prove but a dead 
lump of earth, for without an Inlett the same would be use- 
less, and therefore he requested the Lord Baltemore to be soe 
good and kind a neighbour as to afford him but a back door 
for the improvement of that which otherwise (without such a 
convenience) would signify nothing to him; Adding this, that 
what was but the hundredth part of the Lord Baltemore's 
interest, would be ninety nine parts of the hundred of William 
Pen's. 

As this request of M r Pen's did not at all seem unreason- 
able to the Lord Baltemore, soe was it not the Lord Balte- 
more's intentions to deny the said Pen any neighbourly, and 
friendly kindness; and all that the Lord Baltemore then re- 
plied was that he supposed M r Pen did not expect a speedy 
answer to his request; which M r Pen answered againe he did 
not; then the Lord Baltemore proposed to M r Pen, that the 
Conference he had desired might be afore his friends, and such 
of the Lord Baltemore's Council as were then there; that it 
would be best, and safest to have it publick, for that an affaire 
of that concerne to them both, being publicly debated, would 
give most satisfaction to the Inhabitants of both Provinces. 
M r Pen then demanded how many persons the Lord Baltemore 
would have present, the Lord Baltemore desired that all the 



422 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682 

friends he had brought with him might be present if he soe 
pleased, and that only six Gentleman of the Lord Baltemore's 
Council! should be the rest. M r Pen did, at last, declare that 
what the Lord Baltemore desired was reasonable, faire and 
honourable; then all persons were called in, and the said Pen 
began his discourse which he continued for some time, after 
which he pulls out a letter, and gives it the L d Baltemore, as 
the ground and foundacion of theire further discourse. 

The Lord Baltemore perceiving it to be a letter from His 
Majestie, reads the same privately, afterwards, againe, to the 
whole board; saying he found by that letter, that His Majes- 
tie had been misinformed, and to make that out, the Lord Bal- 
temore reads the bounds mentioned in his Patent; after this 
the Conference held for some howres, the which was taken in 
short hand by the Clerk of the Assembly in Maryland, and the 
next morning the Clerk brought it faire writt out; and the 
same was read, approved and signed by the Gentlemen of the 
Lord Baltemore's Councill. And had not the said Pen been 
hastned and hurried away by many Quakers, that are Inhabit- 
ants of Maryland, to a meeting that day, M r Pen had had a 
Coppy of the said Conference with him; but loath he was to 
stay soe long, and therefore requested the Lord Baltemore to 
send him one, which accordingly has bin done. The Lord 
Baltemore with the Gentlemen of his Council waited on M r 
Pen to the place, where the friends meeting was to be that 
day, and there took his leave and parted with the said Penn, 
who the next day went to a general meeting at Choptank 
river in Talbot County, where the Lord Baltemore had ordered 
Colonel Philaemon Lloyd and his Major with some horsemen 
to waite on the said Pen in his returne. This is what past 
between the Lord Baltemore and William Pen who by agree- 
ment are to meete some time in March next for the finding out 
the degree of forty, northerly latitude. 

The King's letter which M r Pen delivered at the Conference 
to the Lord Baltemore, bearing date the 19 th day of August 
1682 in the foure and thirtieth yeare of His Majestie's reign 1 
makes mention of an admeasurement of two degrees accord- 
ing to the usuall computation of sixty miles to a degree to be 
the best and certaine method of setting forth and ascertaining 

1 Printed in Archives of Maryland, V. 371. 



1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 423 

the boundaries between Maryland and Pensilvania; but the 
Lord Baltemore humbly conceiving that His Majestie had 
received some misinformation touching the bounds of his Prov- 
ince, did, at the Conferrence, produce his Pattent, and the 
bounds of the same were read to M r Pen, and the Gentlemen, 
then at the Board; After which M r Pen proposed, as a more 
equall way for him and the Lord Baltemore to take their com- 
mencement from the Capes which (as the said Pen affirmed) 
lay in thirty seaven degrees, and five minutes, 1 and that having 
bin received for a long time to be the true latitude of the capes, 
and by which masters of shipps have governed themselves would 
be as well for the Lord Baltemore, as the said William Pen, 
Urgeing that an uncertainty of soe long standing would be better 
than to runn into new errors, which discourse of M r Pens seemed 
to shew a jealousie in him, and not to carry much reason with 
it, or which many of the Gentlemen, then present, imagined 
rather proceeded from an unwillingness to have the bounds 
ascertained the surest, and most certaine way, which, as the 
Lord Baltemore had often urged might be by a sextant of six, 
eight or tenn foote, diameter, which being large and fixt in a 
frame, and the frames standing sure upon firme ground, must by 
all Artists be held a more certaine way of taking an observacion, 
then by a small sea quadrant, and that held up by the hand, 
which is always in motion, and the persons perhaps aboard a 
ship who tooke the latitude of the capes ; where there was the 
shaking of the hand and error in the Instrument besides the 
unskillfullness and ignorance of those observators against 
which M r Pen spoake soe much; But in a fixt Instrument of 
the Diameter abovesaid and that set in a frame on firm land 
a certain observation may be taken, and that with out the 
help of an horrison, and this M r Pen it's beleeved knew well 
enough to be the surest way; but he having been misinformed 
as to the degree of forty northerly latitude (which he was 
assured would fall lower than Saxafras river in the Bay of 
Chesapeake as by their false mapps appeare, and having as- 
sured his friends, and particularly those of his late Society 
for Trade, that all the head of the said Bay would fall within 
Pensilvania) is now unwilling to have the truth discovered. 

1 According to the charts of the United States Coast Survey the lighthouse at 
Cape Charles stands at 37° 07' 22" N. lat. 



424 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682 

For whilst M r Pen and his friends were kept in their said 
error about the degree of forty then the Lord Baltemore was 
prest to have an observacion taken, and His Majestie's com- 
mands in the first letter of the second of Aprill 1681 complyed 
with; but that first letter not serveing the turn another was 
procur'd upon as great a misinformation to His Majesty as 
could be given. And it will also appeare that upon such blind 
observations as are usually taken by masters of shipps (who 
often times are noe more artists than just to saile their shipps 
to porte by guesse) these great mistakes have risen. For 
M r Pen did owne to the Lord Baltemore, that both His Majestie 
and the Lords of the Councill were assured that New Castle 
lay seaven, eight or tenn miles to the northward of the fortith 
degree northerly latitude, whereas M r Pen, his deputy William 
Markham and the chiefe of the friends (called Quakers) have 
since owned that New Castle lyes some miles to the southward 
of that degree. Now, whereas the said Pen desires to have an 
admeasurement from the Capes, to the degree of forty, offering 
that as the most equall way, Tis well knowne, that that can 
never be effected by reason the wayes from the Capes to Wat- 
kins Point are not passable, there being not only waters to 
pass over, but likewise such rotten grounds, as noe person can 
gett thro; and from Watkins Point (the Lord Baltemore's 
south bounds) there are severall large rivers to crosse over, 
besides that a due north line will crosse Chesapeake Bay 
towards the upper part thereof, and for these reasons (were 
there noe other) those offers and proposalls of M r Pen to the 
Lord Baltemore can never be comply'd with, and soe conse- 
quently the degree of forty must be taken as the Lord Balte- 
more, at the Conferrence, did propose. 



1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 425 



[Endorsed] 
Delaware, 13 th Dec r 1682. 
Conferrence between my Lord Baltemore and M r Pen. 

A Conferrence held between the right Honor 116 the Lord Balte- 
more Proprietor of Maryland and William Pen Esq™ 
Proprietary of Pensilvania at the house of Colonel Thomas 
Tailler on the ridge in Ann Arrundell County Wednesday 
the 13 th of December 1682. 1 Viz 1 

William Pen Esq re declares in a very florid manner his reall 
and hearty inclinations to maintaine and keepe a neighborly 
and friendly correspondence with his Lopp. 2 and the people of 
this Province that it was not the ambition of Government or 
Dominion that flatter'd him into these parts of the world but 
meerely to secure his owne that moved him to come into this 
Country which since it was his fortune he well enough liked 
and shall study all wayes and meanes imaginable to approve 
himselfe a good Neighbor. He then produces a letter from the 
King to the Lord Baltemore as a foundation or introduction 
to their further discourse. 

His Ldp having read the letter answers vizt: 

L d Baltemore. His Majestie's letter I receive with all respect 
and with that sense of my duty as becomes me but by the 
purport of this letter I conceive His Majesty hath received 
some misinformation for the cleering of which I have here not 
only a coppy of mine but a Transcript of your Patent by both 
which we must be governed I having for my northern Bounds 
the fortieth degree of northern latitude which by your Pattent 
is your Southern bounds as Watkins point is mine. 

His Lopp then reads the Bounds in the Pattent. 

W. Pen Esq re . By my Petition to the King I craved five 
degrees northward. The Lords told me it was a great deale of 
land that my Lord Baltemore had but two to which I replyed 
that the difference was vastly great on my Lord Baltemore's 
side as for its position being richly accomodated with the Bay 
on both sides and severall faire navigable rivers and Creeks 

1 This report of the discussion was taken down in shorthand. Archives of 
Maryland, V. 380. 2 Lordship. 



426 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682 

etc. and my reason for soe great a quantity was not out of a 
covetous humour but only that I might reach the lake of Can- 
nada for the conveniency of an inlett to my Province to which 
they gave their opinion that I should be answerd to that by 
having a passage in this Bay but if the Lord Baltemore will 
stand to and abide by the literall sense of his Pattent, then I 
think we must lay aside the King's letter untill we shall have 
first considered the grants and reasons of our Pattents. If 
the Lord Baltemore will take thirty seaven and half degrees 
for thirty eight and soe runn on to forty being halfe a degree 
of difference I think it is considerable and had I covetted to 
have taken my commencement from Watkins Point as the 
Lord Baltemore is allowed I had possibly gained more consid- 
erably, but confident that he would not endeavor to deprive 
me of anything that might conduce to my benefitt without any 
great prejudice to himselfe I was contented to begin where 
the Lord Baltemore ended, being firmly and stedfastly re- 
solved to approve myself his good neighbor and give him 
the right hand of fellowship, and it shall be the Lord Balte- 
more's fault and not mine if there be not as faire and amicable 
Correspondence between the two Provinces as between any 
united Provinces whatsoever, but if His Majestie's letter 
must be waved we must proceed moderately to argue the 
grounds and reasons of- our Pattents and waite the King's 
leisure for a further interpretation of his grant to me. 

Lord B. It was never my intentions nor indeed in my 
thoughts to deprive M r Pen of anything that might conduce to 
his benefit soe as the same may not tend greatly to my prejudice 
and what M r Pen means by a commencement from Watkins 
Point I understand not but sure I am that had his Pattent 
given him his commencement anywhere to the southward of 
the fortieth degree of northern latitude he had deprived me 
of soe much of my right which yet I beleeve M r Pen never 
desired nor coveted. But M r Pen you seem a little unkind 
in having proposed any deniall of mine to what you offered and 
for any kindness you may reasonably expect from me I think 
it not soe well timed ; let but the line be first layd out thereby 
to ascertaine to each of us his propper and just bounds and 
then lett it be seen whether I shall deny M r Pen any neigh- 
borly kindness within my power. 



1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 427 

W m Pen. The King it's true did command the laying out 
the line between us, but if for a more ready way of accom- 
modacion to us both he hath thought fitt to make other 
proposalls I cannot tell why they may not be taken into consid- 
eration, but I shall concede and wave that letter wholly make- 
ing this further offer. The Capes for several years have bin 
reputed to lye in the latitude of thirty seaven or between thirty 
seaven degrees and five minutes or thereabouts and hath bin 
soe generally taken and approved on by all persons for some 
considerable space of years and by which calculation all ships 
and Vessels have proceeded on their Voyages before such time 
as either interest or prejudice could sway them on the one side 
or the other. Soe then if the Lord Baltemore please to take 
his commencement from the Capes which has bin generally and 
of soe long continuance reputed to lye in thirty seaven degrees 
and five minutes and from thence measure by line two degrees 
fifty five minutes will just reach to the fortieth degree. 

Lord B. My Pattent gives me the fortieth degree of north- 
ern latitude for my northern bounds and there is noe way soe 
certaine to find that as by an observacion to be taken by a 
sextant of six or seaven foote radies and such an Instrument 
you have belonging to Colonel Lewis Morris of New York; 
besides your commencement by your Pattent is given at the 
fortieth degree of northern latitude. 

W m Pen. Then I shall only say we will wave and wholy 
lay aside the King's letter at this time. If the Lord Balte- 
more will begin at thirty seaven and a halfe insted of thirty 
eight he will then indeed have more than was designed for 
him. I therefore offer as a medium between us the more easily 
to accommodate this matter, let the Lord Baltemore first begin 
at the antient and generally reputed and knowne place of 
thirty seaven degrees and five minutes and thence with a direct 
line to forty. What falls then within his bounds much good 
may it doe him. I am contented and doubt not but he is soe 
worthy and soe much a Gentleman as not to endeavor to de- 
prive me of anything shall appeare to be within my Grant. 
This I say I offer onely to lett the [Lord] Baltemore know 
that altho' I am sensible the King's letter is grounded upon 
strong presumption and sound circumstance yet I am willing 
to wave that and accommodate the business between us a 



428 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682 

more equal way as I conceive viz. to commence at the com- 
mon, generall and soe long reputed know[n] place before either 
the Lord Baltemore or myselfe could challenge any interest 
in these parts of the world. 

Lord B. It is other discourse that I expected to have 
heard from you at this time, and well hoped I should have bin 
soe far favored by you as to have received some small advice 
from you before you had soe far proceeded upon that part of 
the Countrey which has bin always reputed and knowne to 
be justly claimed by me; but to wave that I desire to be in- 
formed by you whither you have purchased the Dukes pre- 
tentions to Delaware. 

W m Pen. Upon tearmes of the moiety of halfe the reve- 
nues thereof to be reserved for himselfe I hold it of his gift; 
but this leads to other discourse. I would willingly proceed 
first to the ascertaineing the bounds between us. 

Lord B. The certaine bounds betwixt us must be the for- 
tieth degree of northern latitude as I have already shewn you 
by my grant. 

W m Pen. And to find out that I propose in my judgement 
the most equall way that can be, which is to begin at the 
Capes, a place soe generally and soe long knowne and reputed 
to lye within the latitude of thirty seaven and five minutes, 
and has not for the space of soe many years bin knowne to 
vary foure or five minutes by any observacion yet taken and 
soe from thence to measure two degrees fifty five minutes 
which will just make the fortieth degree. 

Lord B. My southern bounds being Watkins Point was soe 
determined by Commissioners from His Majesty and others 
from my father, now had they sett out Watkins Point higher 
up the Bay my Father must have bin contented therewith and 
the Northern bounds being the fortieth degree of northern 
latitude beyond which I am not to runn. 

W m Pen. Possibly the Lord Baltemore's southern bounds 
might be layd out by Commissioners who may be could or did 
not see what they did. The uncertainty of an observacion 
I apprehend and conceive it dangerous to confide in, for by 
the shakeing of a hand the error in the instrument or the un- 
skillfullness or ignorance of the observator great inconveniences 
may incurr to the prejudice of either side but I doe offer as the 



1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 429 

most equall way between us to pitch upon the soe long reputed 
and generally knowne and received place of thirty seaven 
degrees odd minutes which for the space of forty, fifty or 
sixty yeares has bin concluded the latitude of the Capes 
(speaking now of antiquity and before ever the Lord 
Baltemore or myselfe were ever concerned in these parts) 
and from thence to measure by line till we arrive to forty 
which I conceive farr more safe than to trust to the igno- 
rance of an observator the shakeing of his hand or a bad in- 
strument. 

Lord B. A more certaine observation of the fortieth degree 
may be now taken at the head of the Bay than formerly there 
was of thirty seaven and halfe where you say the capes lyes 
and I apprehend it to be more safe and sure for us both to have 
an observacion taken in the proper place with such an Instru- 
ment as I have already spoke of, and surely M r Pen you will 
as well confide in your friends as I shall on such as I shall 
appoint to joyne with them. Now for your owne satisfaction 
the course you have proposed may be pursued, but that which 
I shall depend on and be wholy determined by is a due obser- 
vation to be taken of the fortieth degree being the northern 
bounds of my Pattent. 

W. Pen. I doe not object against the Lord Baltemore's 
bounds but I say to find that out, which I think a case wherein 
a man ought to be as cautious as in the choice of a wife well to 
consider before hand, I propose the most equall way between 
us both to take our commencem* from a certaine generall 
reputed taken and received place of latitude of soe many years 
standing described by all mapps and by which all masters of 
shipps and vessels have been governed and soe from thence 
proceed distinctly to measure to forty, soe to remaine to pos- 
terity in order to the waveing any future disputes or differ- 
ences, which is all the favour I request. 

Lord B. Since you owne the case to be so tender, as truely 
I doe, I think there will therefore be the greater reason to 
have our business determined the best and surest way, which I 
have already offered. Tho' for your satisfaction, M r Pen, I 
shall not refuse ihe liberty to any person to doe that which 
you propose and make report to you, that which I am resolved 
to trust to and be concluded by is an observation to be taken 



430 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682 

with an instrument of six or seaven foote diameter, for the 
sunn will deceive neither of us. 

W. Pen. I acknowledge that as a favour from the Lord 
Baltemore but still I moove the most equal way in my opinion 
of ascertaining the bounds between us. 

Lord B. M r Pen, you did I remember once propose to me 
in England that you had offers made you of that part of 
Delaware from his royale Highness which I lay claime to, but 
you would not, as you then said, accept thereof because you 
knew it was mine. The same I heare you have now possesst 
yourselfe of. I onely desire to know upon what tearmes you 
claime. 

W. Pen. If the Lord Baltemore please I desire we may 
first conclude our former discourse and then I shall shew 
myselfe most willing and ready to give you all satisfaction 
I can in that point. 

Lord B. I am willing and have allways been ready to con- 
clude the business of the bounds according as my Pattent 
directs me. 

W. Pen. I conceive that where there is a certaine degree 
allowed of and generally received for the space of soe many 
years to commence there and soe proceed by measure to the 
fortieth degree is the most equall way can be proposed, and 
am willing to be concluded thereby, and hope the Lord Balte- 
more may not be opposite to it; and if that which is not the 
hundredth part of my Lord Baltimore's interest may be 
ninety nine parts of the hundred of mine, nay possibly sine 
quo non, that upon which the rest wholy depends, the Lord 
Baltemore I request will not place my eagerness therein to the 
account of my disrespect but of my interest and honest en- 
deavours to hold a faire and amicable correspondency with 
him, for that I cannot imagine that fifty or sixty yeares ex- 
perience and general concurrence in opinion could have any 
designe of favoure or prejudice either to the Lord Baltemore or 
myselfe. 

Lord B. The latitude of the Capes was taken by a sea 
Quadrant which by noe artist will be held for exact and cer- 
taine as an Instrument of six, eight or tenn %)te diameter and 
with such an instrument I desire to have the degree of forty 
taken. 



1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 431 

W. Pen. I doe not apprehend that a sea quadrant can have 
any prejudice for the Lord Baltemore more then for William 
Pen. 

Lord B. I say that it was more uncertaine the observation 
formerly taken at the Capes by a Sea Quadrant then an obser- 
vation now to be taken of the fortieth degree of Northern lati- 
tude with such a fixt land Instrument as I have already made 
mention of can be. 

W. Pen. You say true, the taking of thirty seaven then 
may be as uncertaine as the taking of forty now, but I say 
an uncertainety of soe long standing and soe generally received 
and approved of by all persons when neither the instrument 
nor observator could be imagined to have any design of interest 
or prejudice for either of us is safer to depend on then to runn 
into new errors, and then if it fall within my Lord Baltemore's 
bounds I hope he will be kind to me and if within mine I shall 
approve myself e as kind to the Lord Baltemore as I intended. 

Lord B. The way that you propose, should I yield to it, 
would be but error upon error, therefore let our bounds be 
ascertained as I have offered. Then possibly I may have 
an opportunity of shewing my kindnes to M r Pen and till that 
be don neither he nor I can approve ourselves as we both 
desire. 

W. Pen. I have I think proposed the most equitable way 
to that end, but suppose the Capes to lye within the latitude of 
thirty seaven and this part of the Country in thirty six de- 
grees and thirty minutes, which is halfe a degree difference, 
what will then follow but to sett the sea and land together by 
the eares. But waveing disputes of that nature I am con- 
tented to take our commencement from the long generally 
taken and reputed place of thirty seaven degrees and five 
minutes and thence to run to forty which I apprehend the 
most faire and equal way and am thereby willing to be con- 
cluded. 

Lord B. Would it not seeme very strange and preposterous 
in England for me to proceed upon a bare suggestion or sup- 
position of an observation of thirty seaven taken at the Capes 
and that by masters of shipps with theire small Quadrants to 
find out the degree of forty? 

W. Pen. Let the Lord Baltemore pitch upon one and I 



432 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1682 

another to goe and take their observation at the Capes and 
from thence calculate where Watkins Point lyes, which will 
not cost above five or six days expense, and from thence pro- 
ceed to find out the degree of forty, by which, as I have soe often 
reiterated, I am willing to be concluded. As for the Land in 
dispute I vallue it not but barely for an Inlett for the conveni- 
ency of my Province. 

Lord B. It is not to deprive M r Pen of an Inlett to his 
Province but my interest which makes me argue this much, for 
should I consent to take that for my bounds which in truth is 
not, would be a meanes to destroy the very foundation of my 
Pattent, which you cannot blame me if I be not soe forward 
to doe. 

W. Pen. If the Lord Baltemore would vouchsafe to dis- 
course with me a word or two in private I should possibly open 
myselfe more fully and freely in this point and frankly ac- 
quaint him what I would request of him, and whether the head 
of the Bay fall within his or my bounds we should I doubt not 
make all things commodious between us, for which reason I 
would crave a little private discourse with the Lord Baltemore. 

Lord B. I hope I have not offered anything injurious to M r 
Pen, onely am desirous to preserve my own interest, to which 
end I desire that two able men may be made choice of to find 
out the degree of forty whereby I am bounded by my Pattent 
to the Northward. Here is Captaine Connaway a good 
discreete able man let him be one before he goes out. 

W. Pen. Capt : Connaway it's true is a knowing person, but 
before we goe further I am desirous to purge him of some 
aspersions have bin cast on him, that he should have advised 
me. I doe declare that I never had any advice from him in 
this particular neither indeed did I to my knowledge ever see 
him before such time as I had my Pattent granted me. 

Lord B. What has been said of Capt: Connaway I knowe 
not, but what ever he hath said or don I doe assure you never 
tooke any impression upon me ; but that some misreports have 
been made the Mapps and draughts which have bin sett forth 
sufficiently evince. 

W. Pen. Upon the view of the Mapp of Maryland some 
persons taking the meetes as the same lay displayed found that 
the Author had either much abused the Lord Baltemore in the 



1682] BALTIMORE AND PENN 433 

wrong calculation or else allowed him more land then indeed 
was intended for him and accordingly some draughts have bin 
made. 

Lord B. My Pattent gives me, as you and all here present 
know, the fortieth degree of Northern latitude, and the Sunn 
with such an Instrument as I have mentioned will soone 
satisfie us where that is, for thither my Pattent gives me. 

W. Pen. Then thus in short I have here produced the 
King's letter, in answer to which the Lord Baltemore sayeth 
that he will rather abide by his Pattent which is under the 
great seale then to the bare contents of a letter. 

Lord B. M r Pen were it your case would you not stick to 
a Pattent soe plaine as mine is? 

W. Pen. I doe not blame the Lord Baltemore. It may be 
I should doe the same as he does. I have consented to wave 
that and for the more equal acommodation between us I have 
proposed that for the ascertaining the bounds between us let 
us begin and take our commencement from the Capes, so 
antiently and generally knowne and reputed to lye within 
thirty seaven degrees and five minutes, and thence proceed till 
we come to forty, which binds the Lord Baltemore to the North- 
ward and from whence I must begin. To that the Lord Balte- 
more doth reply that true he is bounded by the fortieth degree 
to the Northward and the most exact way to find that out is by 
an observation taken with a land Instrument. In answer to 
which I have returned that I conceive that to be an uncertaine 
way for the reasons I have so often urged, and say lett some 
persons be jointly commissionated between us to take obser- 
vation at the Capes and report how much it varies from the 
antient generally reputed and received opinion and then 
proceed to find the latitude of Watkins Point and from thence 
by an exact line measure out to the degree of forty. To that 
end if the Lord Baltemore please to select foure or five per- 
sons to be jointly empowered between us soe unanimously to 
proceed without jarring, which will consequently arise from 
different parties. 

Lord B. That may be don for your private satisfaction by 
any persons that may make theire report to you. 

W. Pen. I doe propose and request that we may accom- 
modate the business between ourselves. 



434 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1683 

Lord B. I onely first premise that an observation be duely 
taken to answer the King's commands. 

W. Pen. I question not but if the Lord Baltemore would 
vouchsafe to discourse the business in private with me we 
should fairely accommodate all matters. 

The afore going is to our certaine knowledge the summe 
and substance of what materially was argued and spoken by 
the right hon ble Charles Lord Baltemore and WilliamPen Esq re 
the day and place aforesaid which hath bin read and ap- 
proved of by 

Philip Calvert 
Thomas Tailler 
A true Copy Henry Coursey 

examined by me Henry Darnall 

C. Baltemore. W m Digges 

Will. Steevens. 



The sume and substance of what was argued and spoken by 
Charles Lord Baltemore and William Penn Esq r at theire 
Private Conference at New Castle on Delaware River Tues- 
day the 29 th of May 1683. 

M r Penn having by his letter of the 23 rd of Aprill last de- 
sired that I would lett him know where in some neere part of 
my Province he might meete me and that with what speed my 
affaires would permitt, I wrote him word that I would begin 
my Voiage up the Bay about the Middle of May, which accord- 
ingly I did and being arrived at Saxafras River Wednesday 
the 23 th of the said month I dispatcht from thence M r John 
Darnall, one of my Chief Secretaries, with a letter to M r Penn 
signifieing my Arrival in that part of my Province ; and Tues- 
day following being the 29 th of the Same month I mett M r 
Penn about eight miles short of new Castle to which place that 
day I came in Company with the said Penn. 

In the evening the same day I desired to know of M r Penn 
what proposall he had to make, signifieing that I was come 
thither to see what friendly issue might be putt to the buisnes 
of our bounds; to which he Answered that tho he thought his 
Majesties Letter of the 19 th of August (82) was not to be in- 



1683] BALTIMORE AND PENN 435 

sisted on by him as to the two degrees mentioned therein he 
conceded there was yet an admeasurement to be insisted on, 
Still That seeming very strange to me both in regard that M r 
Penn had (at a Conference afore) consented to wave that letter 
as also in regard that it was not agreeable to my Pattents, he 
tooke some paines (and not without heat) to let me under- 
stand what he meant by an other admeasurement, which he 
said must Still be insisted on being thus, that as my Northern 
bounds was the fortith degree of Northern Latitude he did not 
doubt but to have that ascertained by an admeasurement in 
this manner, that there should be an observation first taken 
at Watkins point and, according to the Latitude that that 
place by an observation should be found to lye in, that from 
thence there should be an Admeasurement to the degree of 
forty, saying that out of every degree he did not doubt but to 
gaine six or seaven miles and by that means to gett water at 
the head of Chesapeake Bay, and that this was the Mistery 
which he was plaine to tell the Lord Baltemore, and did assure 
me that he would procure it from his Maj tie . 

To which I answered that if he Could impose his dictates 
upon the King and Council it would be in vaine for me to hope 
to have Justice don me but I was not (as I told him) of opinion 
that he could impose in that kind; and since he discourst of 
having an observation taken at Watkins point (my South 
Bounds) in order to such an admeasurement as he had last 
proposed to himselfe, I did not see any reason why my North 
bounds might not also be ascertained by an observation, and 
then demanded of him how he Resolved to have the Northern 
bounds of his Province (being the 43 rd degree of Northern 
Latitude) Settled and fixt and answered me, by an observa- 
cion, to which I again Replyed that he did not then approve of 
an admeasurement for his three degrees, tho he thought it Nec- 
essary in my Case and yet I said to him that there was more 
reason for admeasurement as to his bounds (there being 
Severall degrees mentioned in his grant) then in mine, where I 
had nothing given me by any Number of degrees but only 
Watkins point for my south bounds, and the degree of forty 
for my north-bounds, besides that an admeasurement in my 
case might be said not to be rationally practicable as will 
easily be made appeare. 



436 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1683 

This having been argued with some Earnestness M r Penn 
at last told me that if I would hearken to accept of a proposal 
which he had to make me he did not doubt but all matters 
could Soone receive a friendly issue. I told him I was desirous 
of nothing more, then that our differences might be amicably 
Ended betwixt us; He then proposed this, that if I would lett 
him have Susquehanna River for an Inlett and Land Enough 
on Each Side the said River Sufficient of his Occasions and 
that I would let him know certainly under my hand what price 
or value I would Sett upon the same, he would then willingly 
joine with me to bring an observation to find the degree of 
forty Northerly Latitude and with such instruments as we 
had then propper for that purpose. To this I answered that 
I wondered, should I be willing to dispose of that w ch he 
desired, how he would expect I was able to give him any thing 
certaine under my hand afore I knew Certainly how far North 
up Susquehanno River the fortieth degree Northern Lattitude 
(my North bounds) could reach. 

He then desired to know what Latitude Cap* James Con- 
away and some other persons found Palmers Island, which is 
in Susquehanno River, to lye in by an observation I had 
caused to be taken the 28 th of february last. For his Satis- 
faction therein I product to him the observation under their 
hands and the same read to him, by which he saw that the 
said Island was 16 miles to the Southward of the degree forty, 
and then he told me that by that observation he thought 
New Castle was about twelve miles from the said Degree, and 
then proposes to me that if I would give him from Under my 
hand what he must give for as many miles as I should runn up 
the said River, saying if tenn miles how much should I de- 
mand for tenn miles and if sixteen miles how much for 16 
miles, and that after I had given him this Certaine under my 
hand he would then be willing to go with me to the heads of the 
Rivers and joine with me in the taking observacons as I had all 
along insisted on; Adding that we should take but a few per- 
sons with us and not have the Noise and trouble of any troopes 
of horse. 

As this proposall was New and a very Strange way of pro- 
ceeding as I thought, I desired some time to consider of what 
he had offered, but I found he was not willing to give me any 



1684] TALBOT AND PENN 437 

longer time then the next day being the 30 th of May, so that I 
tooke that little time to consider of his proposalls, and made 
him some other offers which he thought not good to yield to, 
after w ch we parted, and this is the sume and Substance, nay 
(I may almost say) the very words that were Spoken on both 
sides, But that it is the substance of what was (at that time) 
argued and Spoken by M r Penn and me and I will make oath 
when required, and I doubt not but M r Penn will owne as 
much when we meet at the Council board. 

This 31 st May 1683. C. Baltemore. 

Report of a conference between Col 1 Talbot 1 and William Penn 
on various matters connected with his Government oj Pen- 
silvania and Col 1 Talbot's interference therein. 

After wee had Sate a minute or two, And the how do you's 
being over I begann. 

Coll. Talbot. S r I came to towne accidentally and being 
told that your honnor was here I thought it the duty of a 
Gentleman to come and pay my respects to you. 

Wm. Penn. I give Coll Talbot many thanks for his kind- 
nesse. 

Talbot. If I had heard at home of your honors being here 
I had come purposely to waite on you and Indevor to remove 
the opinion you had of my Incivility in not Leaving a Letter for 
your honnor when I was at your house in Philadelphia. 

Penn. It did seeme strange to me and others that haveing 
noe way disobliged thee thou shouldst be wanting in soe 
ordinary a part of common Civility as writeing to me when 
thou didst not meete my selfe at home. 

Talbot. S r the tearmes in which my Comission is writt 
are Sufficient to prove that I had noe more to doe at Phila- 
delphia, then deliver my Errand to your honnor or your Deputy 
and then come away, and I should have Exceeded that if I 
had writt any private Letters to you while I was there, ffor if my 

1 George Talbot, who was settled near the head of Chesapeake Bay and was 
surveyor-general of the province. In 1684, when Charles Lord Baltimore went 
to England, leaving his infant son Benedict Leonard nominal governor, Talbot 
was the chief of a commission of deputy governors by whom the government of 
the province was administered. 



438 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684 

Lord Baltemore had thought that to be necessary 'tis like he 
would have given me orders to that purpose in Case of your 
honnors absence, But if I had come thither on any buisnesse 
of my owne I would not have omitted that or any other tes- 
timony of my respect to you, for in anything (not opposite to 
my Lords Interest) you shall find me as willing as any man to 
serve you. 

Penn. Truely I never Expected Lesse from one of thy 
family, for I know Some of thy relations and found them to be 
persons of much Integrity and worth But Since thou dost 
speake of Exceeding thy Comission I think I have something 
of that kind to object against thee. I am told that in Coll 
Talbots returne from Philadelphia, he did (at Amersland and 
other places) use perswasions to certaine Sweades and ffinns 
to remove into Maryland and live under the Lord Baltemore. 
Now the question is whether Coll Talbot did this or did it not. 

Talbot. S r I will not disowne my owne act. I certainly 
did it, for finding severall of them much disatisfied, and de- 
clareing theire discontents to me, I thought I should be very 
remisse if I omitted soe faire an occasion of serveing my Lord 
Baltemores intrests and tis certaine I did not make it my 
buisnesse to Lessen theire feares nor doe I see how it may be 
faulty in any man to tell them the truth that theres better 
Land and Cheaper rents and greater Incouragements for 
poore men in Maryland then in Pensilvania. 

Penn. But it ended not there for thou didst say that they 
pay noe taxes in Maryland for getting Children but that they 
must pay a Crowne per Childe here. 

Talbot. Your honor is Sensible that if you are wrongd in 
that I am not the first author of it for you cannot but know 
'twas all over Pensilvania before I went thither. 

Penn. It is the Custome in all Countries to keepe account 
of the Increase and decrease of the people in Registries of 
births and Burialls and because I doe soe it give occasion 
for that report, But the Lord is my Witnesse I had noe intent 
to lay any such tax on the Country for I am soe farr from it that 
I have Voluntarily given away things of that kind which the 
Assembly here settled on me. But who were those persons that 
told thee they were disatisfied with my Government for I 
think I give none any occasion to be soe. 



1684] TALBOT AND PENN 439 

Talbot I am not willing to turne Informer nor would my 
Lorde Baltemore Expect soe meane a Service from me. 

Penn. Thou needst not, for I know who the men are and 
they themselves were the first that told me of it But (as I said 
already) all this was beyond the Comission thou didst shew 
at Philadelphia. Hadst thou any Comission to Invite per- 
sons out of my Country into Maryland? If thou hadst I hope 
thou canst produce it, and if thou canst not I am to Looke 
upon thy actions then as the act of a private person acting 
of himselfe and not of an officer acting by Commission. 

Talbot. I had noe particular Com lon to that purpose in 
writeing, but I have a generall written Comission to use my 
best Endeavors to gett the County of New Ireland 1 planted and 
Inhabited, and to Invite people thither from all parts, by 
Vertue of which a Lone I may Justine what I did and I had 
Likewise private directions from my Lord to give all reasonable 
Encouragement to such persons as may be willing to remove out 
of Pensilvania into Maryland. 

Penn. Are those Instructions written? 

Talbot. It is not necessary that any of your Councill should 
have a written warrant under your hand and Seale for every 
Service they are order'd to doe for you, but 'tis Enough that 
you bid them doe it. 

Penn. Well, well, lay that aside. But the Indian Capt. 
Mahaloha complaines to me that thou forcedst a paper from 
him that I gave him wherein I declared that I bought his Land 
in Delaware and Susquehanno from him and desired that he 
should not be molested in his hunting in those parts. 

Talbot. I had the paper freely from himself without using 
any thing of force or terror to him. 

Penn. Then wilt thou restore it to him againe? 

Talbot. That I cannot doe, because there are some pas- 
sages in it necessary for my Lord to see and I must therefore 
send it to him. 

1 There was no county of this name in Maryland. Talbot, who was an 
Irishman, had a grant of Susquehannah manor in the northeastern portion of 
the province. He changed the name to New Connaught, and the surrounding 
region was known as New Ireland. It was comprised in Cecil County, which 
was established in 1674. Calvert Papers no. 1, Md. Hist. Soc. Fund Pub. 
no. 28, pp. 95, 96. 



440 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684 

Perm. But thou didst forbid him and threaten him from 
hunting in Maryland, which is Complained of as a great grev- 
ance by the Inhabitants of this towne, whose Chiefe liveing 
is by the Indian trade, for thou hast said that thou wilt not 
suffer them to carry skinns nor furrs out of Maryland hither. 

Talbot. There's a Law in Maryland that forbids the Carry- 
ing away of Deer skins Elk skins and hides, and there's noe rea- 
son that we should give heathens a Liberty which we deny to 
our Selves; but for theire furrs they may carry them whether 
they will provided they have my Lord's Licence to hunt in 
Maryland and not pretend to warrant themselves by any for- 
raigne Licence. 

Penn. These Niceties are only Necessary on the Borders of 
Sweaden and Denmarke where travellers are put to renew 
theire passports at every Castle they passe by. But if that 
paper would not doe, The Indians have a native right to hunt, 
fish, and fowle in all places and are not to be hindered from it 
by the English. 

Talbot. S r , the Indians (as your honor knowes) are di- 
vided into Severall Small Nations. Every Nation has its par- 
ticular Territory bounded with natural! bounds. Noe one 
nation was or is to hunt in any part of the others Territory 
without Licence first obtained. Some of these Territories are 
Seated by the English by Consent and Composition with the 
Natives who in all treaties reserved to themselves the rights of 
hunting, fishing, and fowling in all the lands they sould or 
gave away, and in these Territories soe obtained by the English 
the Old Proprietors (and noe other Indians) doe challenge the 
priviledge of hunting. But the Susquehannoks and theire 
Country were Conquer'd by the Marylanders at great Ex- 
pence of blood and money and the Susquehanohs are now 
noe Nation. That part of theire Country that lyes in Mary- 
land, betweene the 40 th degree and the rivers of Patapsco, Elke 
and Saxafras, was never hunted on in theire time by the 
Delaware Indians nor any others but the Susquehannohs 
Indians onely, and now that not onely the Land is my Lord's 
by his Charter but the Susquehanoh rights of hunting there 
and barring all others is Invested in my Lord by right of 
Conquest, The Delaware Indians ought to be Licenced by my 
Lord's Authority or not permitted to hunt any where west- 



1684] TALBOT AND PENN 441 

ward of Elk river noe more then in the Susquehannoes time, 
but to the Eastward of Elk river there's noe man will hinder 
them it being theire Antient right to hunt there. 

Penn. I have bin the more willing to heare thee discourse 
of rights of Conquests because it makes for me in the Case be- 
tween the Lord Baltemore and mee. But I will justifie that 
the Conquest of the Susquehannes was noe just Conquest 
nor managed Like a just Conquest, for noe cause of warr was 
given by them and they then were betrayed out of theire 
Lives by Inviteing them downe among the English and lastly 
theire five great men that came out to treat were Inhumanely 
knockt in the head against all reason and the Law and Cus- 
tome of all nations. 1 Oh it is much to be feared that the Cry 
of soe much innocent blood will at some time or other bring 
downe Gods wrath upon the Children yet unborn in Maryland 
though I heartily wish it otherwise. 

Talbot. S r , I have Answerd your honnor in all points that 
Concerne my owne Justification and I hope you are Satisfied 
that I have don but what I ought to doe and that I did it out of 
the duty and obligation I owe my Lord and not out of any 
sett purpose to disserve you. But if you be not I hope my 
Lord will and then I have my End. But now your honor has 
put me upon a discourse that is out of my Element, for I was 
not then in America nor have I any Com lon from my Lord to 
talk with your honnor of these things, and doe therefore desire 
to be Excused from Answering to any questions relateing to 
the Controversy between my Lord and you any further than 
Concerns my selfe. 

Penn. I had not fallen into it if thy selfe had not begunn 
it ; but Since we are Enter'd Upon it Let us talk a little more of 
it as we have don already calmly, and without passion. How 
farr dost thou reckon it to be from this towne to thy hous upon 
a Diametricall Line. 

Talbot. Some 11 or 12 mile somewhat over or under, S r . 

Penn. Or under — Then if under 12 mile — Coll Talbot (I 
suppose) is sensible that he has built his hous within the King's 
12 mile Circle of New Castle which I wonder he would doe or 

1 The allusion is to the treacherous act of Major Thomas Truman, which 
was denounced by the Assembly of Maryland (1676) as a horrid crime against 
the laws of God and of nations. Archives of Maryland, II. 4S6, 500. 



442 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684 

how he hopes to keepe it knowing how punctuall the King is in 
reserving the property thereof to himselfe. 

Talbot. S r , I am Likewise sensible that his Majesties 
reserve layd on th* Circle was a very late act, and long after 
the date of the Charter of Maryland and that it was not in- 
tended to Cutt any thing from Maryland by it, but to keepe 
soe much from Pensilvania in Case the 40 th degree were found 
to be to the Southward of New Castle. But that being found to 
be otherwise I doe not feare that Maryland can loose any part 
of its Extent upon account of a reserve thats Latter then the 
date of the Charter. 

Penn. The reserve was layd by the King and Duke when 
they weer in full and Lawfull possession of all Delaware river 
by Conquest from the Dutch who were seated here long before 
the Maryland Charter begann. 

Talbot. But does it appeare that the Dutch were seated 
here by any grant or publick Licence from the Crowne of 
England? 

Penn. Why 'tis noe matter whether they did or not'. Why 
dost thou ask? 

Talbot. Because there's Lately an order of Councill past in 
England that the Dutch Settlement in Delaware (although be- 
fore the Charter of Maryland's date) shall noe more be pleaded 
against my Lord's right to this place unlesse it be made out 
that they did it by Licence from the Crowne of England. 

Penn. 'Tis impossible any such order should passe, and I 
not receive as timely notice of it as the Lord Baltemore. 

Talbot. I dare assure your honnor that it is soe, and if you 
have not gott notice of it already your friends in England will 
not forgett to send you it, or if they neglect it my Lord will not. 

Penn. Why 'tis a very unlikely thing that such an order 
should passe after the reserve made by the King and pattent 
past to the Duke and after the opinions had of the Learnedst 
Lawyers in England both in the Civill and Comon Law, that 
the Lord Baltemore's right was devolved to the Dutch by 
theire Conquest, and theire right to the Duke by his; for if a 
Shipp be taken by Piratts and kept 24 houres by them and 
retaken by a man of warr shee shall be prize to the King 
and the owner looses his right to her and 'tis the same case 
here. 



1684] TALBOT AND PENN 443 

Talbot. I [Ay], S r , if there were noe difference betweene a 
reall Estate and a Chattell. But the property of a reall Es- 
tate is not soe readily made void as that of a Chattell, as is to 
be seene in hundreds of cases. 

Penn. Why there's the mistake of a great many men that 
take Land in America for a reall Estate, whereas the opinion of 
all the Judges in England is that it is but a Chattel as it will 
appeare when the Lord Baltemore and I doe come to tryall. 

Talbot. Personall Estates are past from one man to 
another by Common Bargaines without soe much as a scrowle 
of paper and never are Intaylable. But we see that land in 
America is intailable and when it is it passes not from one to 
another without fine, Recovery, Wife's release of Dower, 
Conveyance, acknowledgm* before a judge and Lastly inrowle- 
ment, which shews it to differ as much from a Chattel as Land 
of Inheritance in Middlesex doth. 

Penn. It may be soe in Maryland where (perhapps) you 
have made a Law that Lands shall be tailable but they are 
not soe in any other part of America. 

Talbot. I know of noe law in Maryland more then the old 
Comon Law of England that makes any mention of Intaileing 
of Lands or any thing to that purpose or of changeing the Condi- 
tion of them from a personall to a reall Estate. And that reall 
Estates if Conquer'd by Enemies and recoverd by the Crown 
are claimeable by the former Proprietors. The restoreing of 
the Cavaliers in England to theire reall Estates but not theire 
Chattells is a Sufficient Instance. 

Penn. Theire Case and the Lord Baltimore's Case are very 
different, for they were Comon Subjects and in the imediate 
protection of the Crowne and ought by all Law and reason to 
be restored to the Lands they lost and the case between them 
and the usurpers might be tryed by the Comon Law. On the 
contrary the Lord Baltemore is a great Prince, holds onely by 
two Arrowes, Ought to defend his Territories against forraigners 
at his owne charge, and if he looses them, and the King recover 
them, they become the King's property and not his. And if 
he would be remedied by Law, it must be by the Civill Law 
and not the Common because the Dutch a forraigne Nation 
were concerned, and the Civill Law (which is Lex gentium) 
adjudges the right of all conquered Lands to the Conqueror. 



444 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684 

And if (by the Civill Law) the Dutch were Lawfully Seized 
of this place and that (by the same Law) the King (who re- 
coverd it by Armes from them) was Lawfully reinvested in it, 
what remedy has the Lord Baltemore at the Civill Law, for at 
the Comon law this case cannot be tryed? 

Talbot. S r , you know that in my Lord's Charter there's a 
grant of all Royalties in the same manner as the Bishops of 
Durham Enjoyed at any time heretofore in theire Diocesse. 
The Bishoprick of Durham lyes neare Scotland and was often 
in danger of being Conquered by the Kings of Scotland. Now 
the question is if the Scotts (in those former times when Eng- 
land and Scotland had two Kings) should Conquer and keep 
Durham for 40 yeares, and then the King should reconq 1- it 
Whither the Bishop might legally clayme and recover his 
land againe. 

Penn. He might but here you must distinguish for Dur- 
ham is in England and if wonn by the Scotts the losse was 
upon account of the Crowne and of the people of England and 
therefore in all equity he ought to be restored. But America 
is another thing and the losse of a spott of ground here is not 
of such Concerne to England as the Bishoprick of Durham. 

Talbot. That distinction will not alter the Case for I am 
sure that Maryland is now (by my Lord and his Ancestors) 
made as profitable to the Crowne of England as ever Durham 
was. But if it should be soe adjudged that all that the Duke 
recovered from the Dutch should be his, What right does that 
give him to the Whore kills, which my Lord tooke and burnt? 

Penn. Yea I have heard after what manner that place was 
taken and Kept. 

Talbot. Taken it was Certainely but Capt. Jones that tooke 
it Neglected to stay and keepe possession untill a plantacon 
or two were seated on my Lord's account, as I would have 
stay'd though I had not above one man to keepe me Com- 
pany. But Jones Neglect of seating then gives noe title to the 
Duke to enter upon it and Conquer it from my Lord. 

Penn. They say that Coll Talbot gives out that he will 
Suffer noe new Settlements on Christine Creeke but on the 
Lord Baltemores account. Methinks there is noe need of soe 
much heate. Young men are more precipitate in Execution 
then old men in considering. This may be layd aside till the 



1684] TALBOT AND PENN 445 

King and Councill decide the matter. Thou mayst hurt thy 
selfe by it, for perhapps when the Controversy is Ended thou 
mayt then prove to be a Pensilvanian for any thing thou 
knowest yett. 

Talbot. S r , I hardly think I shall, or if I doe, I beleeve 
your honnor will not like me a jott the worse or employ me the 
lesse in your businesse for being diligent in the trust my Lord 
has now reposed in me. But if the Chief e foundation of your 
title to the Lower parts of Delaware river, be the possession the 
Dutch once had here, I doe not see what right that can give 
you to seate St Jones, St. Georges, the Upper parts of Christine 1 
and the forrests backwards where noe settlements were ever 
made till after the last Conquest from the Dutch. Certainly 
nothing can be objected against our right beyond all others to 
seat on those parts which doe lye in Maryland and never were 
Cultivated by the Dutch. 

Penn. If the Lord Baltemore be soe sure of recovering 
these parts he should not blame me for being a better husband 
for him then himself is, for I reserve farr greater rents on those 
Lands then he does on his, the profit of which will be his when 
he recovers them. 

Talbot. No S r , for I know 'tis his Lo pps intent to make 
the rents here as Easie (when he recovers this Country) as they 
are in the rest of Maryland and in the meane time the rents 
of such plantacons goe into others pockets that ought to goe 
into his, and therefore you need not think it strange that I 
am unwilling to suffer such new Settlements to goe forwards or 
shall Endeavor to hinder them when begunn. 

Penn. But though the Dutch were not seated in all those 
places, yet they bought all Delaware river and bay from the 
Natives and 3 daies journey back into the woods, which would 
take in a good part of Chesepeake bay besides the whole forrest 
betwixt it and Delaware bay. Coll Talbot seemed even now to 
assert the Validity of Indian purchases and Indian Conquests 
while they made for his purpose; has he any thing to say 
against them now? 

Talbot. I Looke on an Indian Conquest or purchase to be 
a sufficient title to barr a weaker Indian pretension, but not to 

1 St. Jones Creek is in Kent County, St. George's and Christiana in Newcastle 
County, Delaware. 



446 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684 

oppose an English Pattantee that hath his Charter from the 
Crowne of England, as appeares in the Case of Capt Claybourne 
that bought Manapousen (now the Isle of Kent) from the In- 
dians before the Maryland Charter and (in that right) seated 
upon it but was cast out by an order of Councill upon a full 
hearing in England. And the Like of Capt Brent who in right 
of his wife the Piscatoway Emperors daughter and only Child 
pretended a right to the most part of Maryland but could doe 
noe good on't after a great bustle about it, and your Indian 
title will Signifie no more or I am much mistaken. 

Penn. It seemed strange to me that the Lord Baltemore 
should promise me (in this towne) another meeting in Sep- 
tember and yet when he came up the bay never to send to me 
to meete him, but tak observacons and runn a Line without 
giveing me the least notice, and Lastly to send Coll Talbot to 
me to demand positively the Dukes Land of me, and all this 
after a solemne promise upon his honor not to doe anything 
untill our September meeting. I doe not know how the Lord 
Baltemore will Justine such proceedings and such breaches of 
his word when I acquaint the King and Councill with them. 

Talbot. S r , I know that my Lord had intentions of deal- 
ing kindly and neighborly with you, had he not received three 
Letters by Captaine Markham, Mr. Clarke and Mr. Harrison, 
in which were Expressions which were looked upon to be soe 
disobligeing as were sufficient to disengage his Lo pp from any 
promise of that kind had he past any to your honnor, and as to 
his takeing private observacons his Lo pp had a great deale of 
reason for it, because first Capt. Markham and then your honnor 
refused to Joine with him in it, for you are sensible that in 
England if two be at Law, and the defendant refuse to joyne 
with the plaintiff in Examining Witnesses, the plaintiff may 
proceed exparte and Examine his owne witnesses without the 
defendants presence, which is the same case here where the 
40 th degree is the Chiefe and onely Evidence by which this 
dispute must be Ended. My Lord had reason to Examine 
exparte when none would Joine with him. 

Penn. I know the Lord Baltemore took advantage of my 
agents proceedings in my absence, which was not soe fayre 
without Inquireing into his Instructions, wherein he might 
be better satisfied what my Agent could doe and what not. 



1684] TALBOT AND PENN 447 

Talbot. I pray S r was Capt. Markhams Com ion pleni- 
potentiary or not? 

Penn. It was Plenipotentiary with referrence to his In- 
structions. 

Talbot. Then my Lord was onely to take notice of his 
Comission wch he saw and not of the Instructions wch he 
saw not. 

Penn. Well wee have had Enough of this. But let me de- 
sire thee not to molest the Inhabitants of Christine. Thou 
doest discourage them from improving theire plantations, for 
it is a present Injury to mee, and a future one to the Lord 
Baltemore if it prove his fortune to recover these parts. 

Talbot. I have given them noe disturbance yet, for I have 
received noe order from my Lord to turn any out of theire 
houses that are seated already, but I must not permit new 
seaters on any account, by my Lords. 

Penn. But have a Care of obeying Illegall orders if thou 
receivest them. 

Talbot. S r , I thank you for your advice, but I am not 
Lawyer Enough to Judge what orders are legall and what are 
not; but my Lord knowes better things then to send me Il- 
legall Comands, and therefore I will not dispute the legality 
of any directions that come from him, and what I doe in obedi- 
ence thereunto wch may seeme cross to your hono rs Interests I 
desire once more that they may be understood as don out of 
affection to his Lo pps Concernes and not any prejudice against 
your honnor. 

Welsh, the Survey Gen 11 of Delaware. But Governor, if 
thou shouldst comand me any thing that were illegal I de- 
clare I would not obey it. 

Penn. It were not reason to Expect thou shouldest. 

Talbot. But I that am not so Versed in law as Mr. Welsh 
must be guided by my Superiors. 

Penn. I see thou wilt pin thy opinions in law as well as 
Gospel on other mens sleeves. 

Talbot. I pray S r lets change the discourse, or if your 
honour resolves to Entertaine me alwaies with Controversy 
you will fright me from Wayting on you here any more, But if 
yo r hono r will promise to receive my respects as from a private 
Gentleman and not as from my Lord Prop^ of Marylands 



448 NARRATIVES OF EARLY MARYLAND [1684 

officer, I will come constantly to Kisse your hands when I 
heare you come to towne. 

Penn. Coll Talbot shall be kindly welcome wheresoever I 
am. Then Let us talk of Vineyards etc. 

And there the dispute Ended and we talked of other 
indifferent things. 



INDEX 



INDEX 



Abraham the Finn, runaway soldier, 

315. 
Accomae, 17, 17 n. 
Alexander, Sir William, 51. 
Allen, Thomas, 153. 
Alrichs, Jacob, 312, 325, 325 n. 
Alsop, George, 337-338; A Character of 

the Province of Maryland, 340-387; 

letters of, 371-387. 
Altham, Father John, 44, 44 n., 116, 

124 n.; see also Gravener, Father 

John. 
Amoroca River, 402. 
Anacostan Indians, Jesuit missionary 

activities among, 132, 138-139. 
Angola salt industry, 33. 
Annamessicks, 402, 402 n., 403. 
Anne Arundel; see Providence; see also 

Severn. 
Antigua, trade, 206. 
Archihoe, 41, 71. 
Ark, ship, 27, 70, 74. 
Attawomech River, 8. 
Augusta Carolina, 42. 
Avalon, Lord Baltimore's colony of, 4, 

67, 104 n. 

Bacon, Laws of Maryland, 69. 

Bain, Walter, 275. t ( $J>-.yN£ 

Baltimore, Benedict Leonard Calvert, 
fourth baron, 437 n. 

Baltimore, Cecilius Calvert, second 
baron, Account of the Colony of, 5-10; 
acts of, 269-274; adversaries of, 
16-17, 54; Case of, 167-180; see also 
Virginia and Maryland; character of, 
13; controversy with Claiborne, 49- 
52, 147-148, 150-156, 172-173, 193; 
feudal rights in Maryland, 103, 104, 
104 n., 110-111; grant of Maryland 
to, 5, 101-112; instructions to Mary- 
land settlers, 91-100; Instructions to 
the Colonists, 16-23; jurisdiction over 
Avalon, 104 n.; letters to, 150-158, 
348-349; oaths of fidelity to, 214- 



216, 267-268; proclamation, 228-230; 
treatment of Gov. Stone, 203-204; 
voyage to Maryland, 18, 20. 

Baltimore, Charles Calvert, third baron, 
conferences with William Penn, Re- 
ports, 414-437. 

Baltimore, George Calvert, first baron, 
3-4, 51, 57, 57 n., 101; visit to Vir- 
ginia, 119 n., 175 n. 

Baltimore County taxes, 415-416. 

Baltimore Yearly Meeting, 393 n. 

Barbados, Catholics in, 37; climate, 35; 
corn trade, 35, 75; cotton trade, 35; 
fauna, 37; flora, 35-37: food prices, 
34; friends in, 401; government, 34; 
relations with Maryland, 34; trade, 
206, 299, 364-365. 

Barbar, Capt., 204. 

Barber, Luke, letter of, 261, 262-265; 
conference with Dutch embassy to 
Maryland, 325-332. 

Barefoot, Mr., 32. 

Bateman, Mr., entertains Dutch em- 
bassy to Maryland, 317, 325. 

Baxter, John, 101. « 

Beane, Raph, 275. / 

Beckwith, George, 275. ' 

Beech, Elias, 275. 

Bennett, Capt. Richard, commissioned 
by Parliament to reduce hostile colo- 
nies, 168, 184, 201, 226-228, 236- 
237, 257-260, 302-305; declaration 
of, 222-225; instructions to, 206-208; 
petitions to, 218-222; governor of 
Virginia, 254. 

Berkeley, Gov. Sir William, of Vir- 
ginia, 235, 241, 254, 293. 

Bermudas, trade, 206. 

Big Elk Creek, 315 n. 

Billingsly, May, 320. 

Birkhead, Abraham, 399. 

Blackistone's Island, 71, 71 n., 72; de- 
scription, 40, 40 n. 

Blomefield, Mark, 275. 

Boavista, 33 n. ; Spanish salt trade at, 34. 



451 



452 



INDEX 



Bohemia River, 395, 395 n., 417. 

Bolles, John, secretary of Lord Balti- 
more, 20. 

Bozman, History of Maryland, 183 n. 

Bradshaw, Pres. John, 208. 

Brent, Capt., 446. 

Brock, Father John, Jesuit superior, 
124. 

Brooke, Robert, 185. 

Brooks, Baker, conference with Dutch 
embassy to Maryland, 325-332. 

Brooks, N. C, 4, 28. 

Brough, William, 275. 

Brown, Mr., 318. 

Browne, Richard, 275. 

Bullock, William, Virginia Impartially 
Examined, 284 n. 

Burlington, N. J., 418. 

Burnyeat, John, 393, 393 n., 394. 

Bushell, Thomas, 275. 

Butler, John, 147; expedition against, 
151-155. 

Calvert, Sir George, see Baltimore, 
George Calvert, first baron. 

Calvert, Gov. Leonard, 16 n., 27, 28, 54, 
101, 228; attitude toward Parlia- 
ment, 197; Letter to Lord Baltimore, 
150-158; Lord Baltimore's Instruc- 
tions to, 16-23; relations with Cap- 
tain Cornwallis, 156-157; voyage to 
Maryland, 70 ff. 

Calvert, Philip, deputy-governor of 
Maryland, 66, 321: conference with 
Dutch embassy, 323, 325-332; wit- 
nesses Penn-Baltimore conference, 
434. 

Calvert, William, deputy-governor of 
Maryland, 66. 

Calvert Papers, 3 n. ? 13, 15, 27, 69, 117, 
148 n., 253, 415 n., 420 n., 439 n. 

Carolina, Fox's missionary journey to, 
400. 

Cartwright, John, associate of George 
Fox, 394, 404. 

Casimier, see Fort New Amstel. 

Catholics in Barbados, 37; in Mary- 
land, 118-144, 190 n., 198 n., 200; in 
St. Christopher, 39; in Virginia, 38, 
142; toleration of, 16; see also Jesu- 
its; Missionary activities; Religion; 
Toleration. 

Caverley, Capt., 39. 



Cawcawaassough, 84 n. 

Cecil County taxes, 415, 416. 

Chandler, Major, capture of, 244. 

Charles I., charter of, to Maryland, 101- 
112; loyalty of Maryland Assembly 
to, 175-177. 

Charles II., attitude of Maryland 
toward, 198; commission from, 254- 
255; letters patent of, 422, 425-426; 
papers concerning, 179-180. 

Charles, Cape, 102, 423, 423 n. 

Chesapeake Bay, description, 8, 40. 

Chester, Earl of, palatine, 103 n. 

Chester, Pa., 418. 

Chester River, 395, 395 n., 396. 

Chichester, 420. 

Chincoteague Island, 79, 79 n. 

Chiswick, 81, 81 n. 

Chitomachon, see Paseatoa, Tayac of. 

Choptank River, Penn-Baltimore con- 
ference on, 422. 

Christine Creek, settlements on, 444. 

Cimamus stream, see Big Elk Creek. 

Cinquack, 102. 

Claiborne, Capt. William, 16 n., 39; 
commissioned by Parliament to re- 
duce hostile colonies, 168, 184, 201- 
204, 208-210, 218-228, 236-237, 257- 
260, 302-305; controversy with Lord 
Baltimore concerning Kent Island, 
14, 18-20, 41, 49-52, 53-54, 147- 
148, 150-156, 172-173, 193, 330, 
446; denounced by John Hammond, 
307. 

Clarke, Mr., 446. 

Clerck, Mr., 152. 

Cloberry, Mr., 19. 

Cloberry and Company, 150 n. 

Clocker, Daniel, 275. 

Coale, William, 399. 

Cockatrice, ship, 120. 

Cockorooses; see Cawcawaassough. 

Colburn, Capt., 402. 

Collins, Mr., 19. 

Connaway, Capt. James, 432, 436. 

Conway, Capt., 387. 

Cook, Mate, 266. 

Copley, Father Thomas, 124 n., 152; 
see also Fisher, Father Philip. 

Cornwallis, Capt. Thomas, 16 n., 56, 
70 ff., 101, 148; commissioner for 
governing Maryland, 54 n., 56; Lord 
Baltimore's Instructions to, 16-23; 



INDEX 



453 



relatione with Gov. Leonard Calvert, 
156-157; expedition against Clai- 
borne, 150-155. 

Coursey, Mr., 265. 

Coursey, Henry, 320, 320 n.; witnesses 
Penn-Baltimore conference, 434. 

Cox, James, 275. 

Cox, AVilliam, 153. 

Crage, Hugh, 275. 

Crane's Island, 398. 

Cranfield, Edward, 101. 

Crescent, ship, 307. 

Cromwell, Oliver, Lord Protector, letter 
to, 262-265; restores Lord Balti- 
more's power in Maryland, 142 n. 

Culpepper, Nicholas, 361. 

Curtis, Capt. Edmund, 168, 184; com- 
missioned to reduce colonies hostile 
to Parliament, 201, 208, 236-237, 
256-257. 

Cutts, John, 305. 

Bankers and Sluyter, Journal, 393 n. 

Darnall, Henry, witnesses Penn-Balti- 
more conference, 434. 

Darnall, John, Lord Baltimore's secre- 
tary, 434. 

Davenant, Sir William, commissioned 
to supplant Lord Baltimore in Mary- 
land, 164, 165, 179-180, 205, 205 n. 

Delabarr, Mr., 19. 

Delaware, disputes concerning, 428, 430, 
442-445. 

Delaware, Lord, 324. 

Delaware Bay fishing, 8. 

Delaware Indians, hunting rights of, 
440-441. 

Dennis, Capt. Robert, commissioned 
by Parliament to reduce hostile colo- 
nies, 167-170, 184, 206-208, 256- 
257. 

Digges, William, witnesses Penn-Balti- 
more conference, 434. 

Dinyard, Thomas, 275. 

Donck, Adriaen van der, 323 n. 
-Dorrell, Thomas, 101. 

Doughty, Rev. Francis, 323, 323 n. 

Dove, ship, 71, 71 n., 74. 

Draggon, ship, 30. 

Durand, Richard, 238. 

Durand, William, secretary of Mary- 
land, 185, 228, 239-240, 243-244, 
274-275. 



Durham, Bishop of, palatine, 103, 

103 n., 195 n., 195-196, 444. 
Dutch settlers, see Netherland. 

Eccles, Solomon, 401. 

Edis, William, 275. 

Edmundson, John, 396, 397. 

Edmundson, William, associate of 
George Fox, 393 n., 394, 401. 

Edward I., statute of, 110, 110 n. 

Edwin, William, 275. 

Elk River, 315, 316, 440. 

Eltonhead, William, 204, 240-241, 263, 
261 n.; death of, 266, 305. 

Evelin, Capt. Robert, appointed com- 
mander of Kent Island, 150, 150 n.; 
expedition against Claiborne, 151- 
155. 

Evins, Elinoiy letter- to, 382-383. 

Ewen, Richard, 228; opposes Gov. 
Stone, 239-240. 

Faithorne, W., 313. 

Felltham, Owen, 341, 341 n. 

Fendall, Gov. Josias, 165, 186, 240- 
241, 321-, 321 n.; conference with 
Dutch embassy to Maryland, 325- 
332; treachery of, 380, 380 n. 

Ferfax, Nicholas, 32, 101. 

Finnish settlere in America, 315. 

Fisher, Father Philip, 115-116, 124; 
missionary labors at St. Mary's, 133- 
135; see also Copley, Father Thomas. 

Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 
391 n. 

Fitzherbert, Father Francis, voyage to 
Maryland, 140-141. 

Fleet, Capt. Henry, dealings with Ind- 
ians, 55, 72. 

Foley, Records of the English Province, 
S. J., 116 n., 117. 

Force, Peter, Historical Tracts, 4, 28, 
186, 280. 

Forrest, Patrick, 275. 

Fort Casimir; see Fort New Amstel. 

Fort Christina, 312. 

Fort New Amstel, 331. 

Fox, George, extracts from the Journal 
of, 393-406. 

Freeman, ship, 282. 

Friends, 391; activities in Maryland, 
393-406. 

Frizby, James, 398-399, 415. 



454 



INDEX 



Fuller, Capt. William, 185, 204, 228, 
238, 249-250; opposes Gov. Stone, 
239-240. 

Gage, John, 275. 

Gearie, John, 400, 401. 

Gerard, Richard, 101. 

Gerard, Sir Thomas, 101, 226; capture 

of, 244; conference with Dutch em- 
bassy, 324-330. 
Gibbons, Maj.-Gen. Edward, 168. 
Gloucester County, Va., plant-cutting 

riots, 417 n. 
Golden Fortune, ship, 239, 282. 
Golden Lion, ship, 242, 264, 266, 

267. 
Gravener, Father John, 116, 124; illness 

of, 131-132; see also Altham, Father 

John. 
Greene, Henry, 101. 
Greene, Deputy-Gov. Thomas, 163- 

164, 197; proclaims Charles II. king, 

197 n., 217. 
Gregory the Great, Pope, 7 n. 
Grinsdith, John, 275. 
Guinea, frigate, 184, 198, 198 n., 207, 

207 n., 236, 236 n. 
Guither, Capt., capture of, 244. 

Haig, William, assistant of Wm. Mark- 
ham, 416, 418, 420. 

Halpehead, John, 275. 

Hammond, John, 279; Leah and Rachel, 
281-308. 

Hardwich, William, 275. 

Harman, Mr., 211. 

Harmer, Godtfried, 317-318. 

Harrison, Mr., 446. 

Harvey, Sir John, governor of Virginia, 
14, 18 n., 54, 56, 154, 156; investigates 
Claiborne case, 56-58; relations with 
Maryland, 18, 58-59, 59 n., 60; visits 
St. Mary's, 75. 

Harwood, Robert, 396. 

Hatch, John, 228, 275. 

Hatton, Sec. Thomas, 184-185, 226; at- 
titude toward Parliament, 222-225; 
declaration and certificate of, 274- 
275; oath of, 269; removal of, 237- 
238. 

Hatton's Island, 398. 

Hawley, Capt. Henry, governor of 
Barbados, 34 n. 



Hawley, Jerome, commissioner for 
governing Maryland, 16 n., 54 n., 56, 
101 ; Lord Baltimore's Instructions to, 
16-23; defends Maryland's title to 
Palmer's Island, 154-155. 

Hawley, John, 70 ff. 

Hawley, William, 275. 

Heamans, Roger, captain of the Golden 
Lion, 242-243, 249, 266, 267, 304- 
305. 

Hendall, Capt., capture of, 244. 

Hening, Statutes at Large of Virginia, 
417. 

Henlopen, Cape, 79 n., 410, 412. 

Henrie, Capt., 41. 

Henrietta Maria, queen of Charles I., 
5n. 

Heron Island; see Blackistone's Island. 

Herring Creek, 241. 

Herrman, Augustine, 311; conference 
at the house of, 416-420; Journal of 
the Dutch Embassy to Maryland, 314- 
333; letter to, 415; map by, 313; 
naturalization of, 217 n. 

Hill, Capt. John, 101. 

Hinton, Sir Thomas, 59, 59 n. 

Honga River, 403, 403 n. 

Hughes, Father Thomas, 3; History of 
the Society of Jesus in North America, 
28, 115 n., 119 n. 

Hungerford, William, 275. 

Indians, examination of, concerning 
Claiborne's case, 56-58; famines 
among, 132; honesty of, 187; unt- 
ing rights, 439-441; manners ind 
dress, 83-90, 125, 129-132; mas, a- 
cres by, 311; missionary activitui 
among, 119, 394, 396, 400, 404, 405; 
moneys, 90; relations with settlers, 
55-56, 75-76, 83-84, 317; religion,' 
88; trade with, 190, 195, 210, 299; 
tribal wars, 74, 88-90; validity of 
contracts with, 445-446; see also 
names of particular tribes: Susque- 
hannock Indians, Patuxent Indians, 
etc. 

Ingle's rebellion, 300. 

Jamaica, Friends in, 401. 
James River, fortifications on, 53. 
Jefferson, Capt., lieutenant-governor of 
St. Christopher, 39. 



INDEX 



455 



Jesuits, 28; Annual Letters of, 118-144; 
history of, 115, 116 n.; land grants to, 
116, 140; missionary activities in 
Maryland, 118, 124, 140-141, 142, 
142 n., 143-144, 190 n., 200; various 
experiences and difficulties, 120-124, 
133-134, 136-139, 142, 144; see also 
Catholics; Missionary activities; Re- 
ligion; Toleration. 

John, ship, 184, 207. 

Johnson, Edward, Wonder-Working 
Providence, 168 n. 

Johnson, Henry, 415. 

Johnson, Lieut. Peter, 240. 

Jones, Edward, 415. 

Jones, James, 403. 

Kecoughton, 58, 58 n. 

Kempe, 154. 

Kent Island, 88, 317; Baltimore-Clai- 
borne dispute concerning, 150-151, 
172-173, 201, 201 n., 203, 210, 211, 
330; Friends on, 398, 405; Jesuits on, 
124; settlement of, 195 n., 210. 

Kittamaquund, 131 n.; Jesuits in, 124. 

Knott, Father Edward, 119 n.; letter 
of, 119-124. 

Laer, A. J. F. van, 313. 

Lancaster, James, 394. 

Langford, John, 249; Refutation of 
Babylon's Fall, 254-275; see also 
Strong, Leonard. 

Lawson, Mr., 228. 

Leah and Rachel; see Hammond, John. 

Lechford, Sir Richard, 27. 

Leeward Islands, Friends in, 401. 

Legate, John, death of, 305. 

Lewger, Sec. John, 153, 156-160. 

Lewis, Capt. William, capture of, 244; 
death of, 266, 305. 

Leyden, John of, 353, 353 n. 

Lloyd, Edward, 228, 238; conference 
with Dutch embassy, 325-332; peti- 
tion of, 219. 

Lloyd, Philemon, 422. 

Longtail, ship, 211. 

Machepongo Inlet, 78, 78 n. 
McMahon, John V. L., History of the 

Government of Maryland, 66-67.- 
McSherry, Father William, 3, 117' 
Mahaloha, Indian captain, 439-^440. 



Manaco River, 402. 

Manaponsen: see Kent Island. 

Manoxin, 403, 403 n. 

Maquacomen, Tayac of Patuxent, 124- 
125. 

Maria; see Henrietta Maria. 

Markham, Capt. William, deputy-gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, mission to 
Lord Baltimore, 414, 414 n., 415-420; 
letter of, 446. 

Marriott, John, 351, 351 n. 

Marshall, William, 275. 

Martin, Francis, 275. 

Martinique, description of Indians, 38. 

Maryland, description, 7, 77-79, 80-81; 
boundaries, 8, 22-23, 50, 77, 102, 155, 
167, 168, 170-172, 209-210, 301, 322, 
343, 409-413, 414-437, 441-448; 
maps, 323-324; climate, 7-8, 77-78; 
forests, 8; rivers, 78; animals, 9-10, 
45, 80, 158-160, 345-347; birds, 80, 
347-348; fishing, 8, 9, 80, 109, 348; 
minerals, 80-81; plants, 45, 79-80, 82; 
fertility of soil, 10, 45, 60, 81, 82, 343- 
345, 378; trade conditions, 60, 81-83, 
363-365, 379; farming, 76, 82, 96, 97, 
347, 348; corn trade, 75, 75 n., 76, 82; 
fur trade, 41, 363; linen trade, 83; 
salt, 23; silk, 82-83; tobacco, 157, 194, 
229, 363, 364, 417; wine, 82; mining, 
10, 23, 80, 82; shipping, 78, 82-83, 
107, 109, 157-158, 363; piracy, 106, 

107, 154; journeys and voyages to, 
29-45, 313-321, 356-357, 376-378; 
trade with Barbados, 364-365; with 
New England, 75, 75 n.; with Seville, 
9; colonization and character of set- 
tlers, 5, 14, 21-22, 23, 73-76, 91-98, 
100-101, 198, 300, 316, 351-354; ser- 
vants, 98-100, 354-36JL, 378; women 
settlers, 358; history, 49, 65-68, 183- 
186; fortifications, 14, 17, 17 n., 21, 
76, 106; Indians, 83-90, 317; named 
after Queen Maria, 5 n., 70, 104; 
charter, 66-67, 101-112, 321, 321 
n., 329-330; customs, 108-109, 110, 
229-230; government, 54, 66-67, 104- 

108, 142 n., 163, 169-170, 173-177, 
196, 198, 199, 215-216, 218-230, 
235-244, 255-256, 267-268, 304, 348, 
351, 378; laws, 69, 105, 156-158, 
174, 190, 190 n, 195, 199, 211, 217, 
217 n., 269-274, 351, 440; taxes, 106- 



456 



INDEX 



107, 111, 350, 415; relations with 
Barbados, 34; with Parliament, 167- 
180, 201-204, 256-257; with Penn- 
sylvania, 414-448; with Virginia, 
20, 21, 23, 33, 39, 56, 58, 76-77, 
111, 141-142, 154-156, 170-172, 
177-180, 187-230, 301-302; Catho- 
lics in, 118-144, 190 n., 198 n., 200; 
Friends in, 393, 393 n., 394-406; 
missionary activities, 7, 20, 118, 142, 
144, 190 n.; toleration, 16, 163, 175, 
190-191, 200, 200 n., 204, 205, 213, 
216, 216 n., 219, 220, 228, 234, 235, 
238 n., 250-252, 254-255, 260, 269- 
274, 274-275, 301-302, 348, 353; A 
Character of the Province of, 340-387; 
Archives of, 51 n., 66 n., 69, 88 n., 141 
n., 149 n., 153 n., 154 n., 156 n., 161 
n., 166 n., 169 n., 185 n., 186 n., 199 
n., 202 n., 216 n., 250 n., 252 n., 253, 
260 n., 267 n., 306 n., 311 n., 317 n., 
326 n., 391 n., 402 n., 414 n., 415 n., 
422 n., 425 n., 441 n.; A Relation of, 
70-112; Father Andrew White's Briefe 
Relation of the Voyage into, 29-45; 
Virginia and, 187-230. 

Maryland Historical Magazine, 183 n., 
234. 

Maryland Historical Society, 3, 3 n., 4, 
13, 15, 27, 69, 117, 148 n., 166 »., 253, 
339, 439 n. 

Mason and Dixon's line, 413. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, Col- 
lections, 49. 

Matthew, Sir Toby, 49; Letter from 
Captain Thomas Yong to, 53-61. 

Matthews, Samuel, 56, 56 n., 170, 259, 
259 n., 274; disarms Virginia Inde- 
pendents, 301; opposes Lord Balti- 
more, 59, 61. 

Maydwell, Thomas, 275. 

Mayor, John, 401. 

Medcalfe, John, 101. 

Mereness, N. D., 339. 

Metapannayen, Jesuit settlement in, 
124. 

Middlesex County, Va., plant-cutting 
riots, 417. 

Miles River, 395, 395 n., 396. 

Mill Creek, 76. 

Missionary activities among Indians, 
44; Friends, 394-406; Jesuits, 119- 
120, 120-124, 142, 144; in Maryland, 



7, 20, 118, 119-120, 394-406; in Vir- 
ginia, 286-287; see also Catholics; 
Jesuits; Religion; Toleration. 

Monoponson; see Kent Island. 

Montserrat, Catholics, 38. 

More, Father Henry, 116-117. 

More, Sir Thomas, 116, 287. 

Morgan, John, 70, 92; see also Brock, 
Father John. 

Morphen, James, 275. 

Morris, Col. Lewis, 419, 427. 

Miinster, treaty of, 324. 

Nansemond, 400, 400 n. 

Nassau River; see South River. 

Netherland, plantations in America, 33, 
167, 190, 311-313, 314-333, 442. 

Nevis, climate, 39. 

New Albion ; see Plowden, Sir Edmund. 

New Amstel, 312; disputes concerning, 
315-316, 319, 326. 

Newcastle, Delaware, 395, 395 n.; Lord 
Baltimore at, 417, 418, 419-420, 424; 
Penn-Baltimore conference at, 434- 
437. 

New England, Friends in, 395, 401; his- 
tory, 391; toleration, 401; trade, 53, 
75, 75 n. 

New England's Prospect, 81 n. 

Newfoundland, Dutch fisheries, 33; 
Lord Baltimore's plantation in, 4, 67, 
104 n. 

"New Ireland County," Maryland, 
439, 439 n. 

New Jersey, Friends in, 401. 

New Kent County, Va., plant-cutting 
riots, 417 n. 

New Netherland, boundaries, 322; Jour- 
nal of embassy from, 309-333; patent 
of, 330; settlement of, 322, 326. 

New York, boundaries, 420; history, 
313. 

Nicholls, Col. Richard, 410. 

Nichols, John, 275. 

Nicholson, Sir Francis, 163. 

Noble, Richard, 419. 

North Carolina, history, 49. 

Northcott, Thomas, 392. 

Notley, Thomas, 399. 

Oulfield, George, 415. 
Overzee, Symon, 321; assists Dutch 
embassy to Maryland, 323, 325. 



INDEX 



457 



Packer, Mr., 265. 

Palmer's Island, 322, 322 n.; contro- 
versies concerning, 151-156, 436. 

Pamac ; see Port Tobacco Creek. 

Parliament, measures taken against hos- 
tile colonies, 167-180, 256-257. 

Pascataway Indians, 40, 72, 72 n.; mis- 
sionary activities among, 41-42, 124, 
125-129, 131-132; king of, 158; we- 
rowance of, 88. 

Patapsco River, 440. 

Patthson, George, associate of George 
Fox, 394, 395. 

Patuxent Indians, missionary activities 
among, 124-125; religious ceremo- 
nies, 45; Tayac of, 57; werowance 
of, 74-75, 88. 

Patuxent River, 78; Friends settlers 
on, 400, 405; laws, 325; settlers on, 
203, 219-222, 239; Stone's attack on, 
240-41. 

Peaseley, William, 65, 70, 92. 

Pedro, John, death of, 305. 

Peers, Richard, deputy-governor of Bar- 
bados, 134 n. 

Pell, William, 275. 

Pellan, Capt., 39. 

Penn, William, conference with George 
Talbot, 437-448; conferences with 
Lord Baltimore, Reports, 414-437. 

lennsylvania, boundaries, 409, 413, 
414-437, 441-448; Finnish settlers 
in, 438; relations with Maryland, 
414-448; Swedish settlers, 438. 

Perin, John, 275. 

Philpot, Robert, commander of Palm- 
er's Island, 153; letter from, 160. 

Piracy, 154. 

Plowden, Sir Edmund, patent of, 322, 
322 n., 323. 

Pocomoke River, 102. 

Poesy, Francis, 275. 

Poeyer, Sander, Augustine Herrman's 
guide, 315, 316. 

Poole's Island, 317. 

Poplar Island, 158, 158 n., 159. 

Portland, Earl of, 39 n. 

Port Tobacco, Jesuit missionary activi- 
ties at, 136, 136 n. 

Potomac River, 72, 78, 102; called St. 
Gregory's, 40; Indians on, 41; Fox's 
crossing of, 400. 

Potomac town, 78. 



Preston, James, 400, 401. 

Preston, Richard, 185, 221, 228, 238, 
239-240. 

Price, Capt. John, declaration and cer- 
tificate of, 274-275. 

Price, Col., capture of, 244. 

Printz, Gov. Johan, 316, 316 n. 

Providence, settlement of, 255; settlers' 
opposition to Gov. Stone, 238, 241, 
263-265. 

Puddington, George, 275. 

Purchas, Pilgrimes, 367, 367 n. 

Purfree, Capt., 59. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 321, 324. 

Rawlins, Anthony, 275. 

Reconow Creek, 405. 

Reedy Island, 316. 

Religion, in Maryland, 112, 198 n., 234, 
353; in Virginia, 286-287; fanatical 
sects, 349-350; witchcraft, 141; An 
Act Concerning, 269-274; see also 
Catholics; Jesuits; Toleration. 

Rhode Island, Friends in, 401. 

Rigby, Father Roger, missionary labors 
at Patuxent, 134-135, 136-137. 

Roanoke, 90. 

Robines, Robert, 275. 

Ruyven, Cornelius van, papers ad- 
dressed to, 314-333. 

Sabin, Joseph, 69. 

St. Christopher, 39. 

St. Clements; see Blackistone's Island. 

St. George's Bay, 42, 42 n. 

St. George's Creek, 445, 445 n. 

St. George's River, 42. 

St. Gregory's; see Potomac River. 

St. Helen, pinnace, 148. 

St. Inigo's Creek; see St. George's Bay. 

St. Jones's Creek, 445, 445 n. 

St. Margaret, pinnace, 148. 

St. Martin, 33, 33 n. 

St. Mary's, 73-76; Jesuits in, 124, 133- 

135. 
St. Mary's Bay, 42. 
St. Mary's River, 73, 73 n. 
St. Michael's River; see Miles River; 

Potomac River. 
St. Omer, 143. 
Saire, William, 101. 
Sassafras River, 315, 395, 395 n., 423, 

440. 



458 



INDEX 



v 



X 



Saunders, John, 101. 

Sawyer, George, 275. 

Sawyer, Peter, 418. 
^ Scarburgh, Col. Edmund, 226, 237. 

Sharp, Peter, 399. 

Severn, Friends' meeting at, 399; set- 
tlers' discontents, 203, 218-219, 221- 
222, 239; Stone's attack on, 204, 233- 
234, 242-244, 261. 

Seville, trade with Maryland, 9. 

Shea, Early Southern Tracts, 28. 

Simpson, Robert, surveyor, 22. 

Slingsby, John, 275. 

Sluyter, Dafikers and, Journal, 393 n. 

Smith, Capt. John, 4, 6, 65, 80 n., 81, 
228 ; Generall Historie of Virginia, 66, 
83, 93 n. 

Smith, Richard, 275. 

Smith, Thomas, agent of William Clai- 
borne, 147, 148, 150-156. 

Smoot, William, 275. 

Snow, heretic, 126. 

Society of Jesus; see Jesuits. 

South River, Capt. Utie's claims con- 
cerning, 320-321, 326-328. 

Spain, naval operations in West Indies, 
37. 

Spesutia, 316 n. 

Stagge, Capt. Thomas, sent by Parlia- 
ment to reduce hostile colonies, 167- 
170, 184, 206-208, 256-257. 

Steevens, William, witnesses Penn-Bal- 
timore conference, 434. 

Stephen, William, 404, 405. 

Stockett, Thomas, 338, 380. 

Stone, Capt. William, governor of Mary- 
land, 163, 197 n., 254; attitude tow- 
ard Parliament, 222-228; conference 
with Dutch embassy to Maryland, 
325-332; expedition against hostile 
settlers, 240-244, 304-305; removal 
of, 141-142, 225-226, 237-238; re- 
assumes government, 239-241, 304; 
papers concerning, 274-275, 281-282; 
relations with Lord Baltimore, 168, 
203-204, 212, 215, 269. 

Stone, Virlinda, letter to Lord Balti- 
more by, 265-267. 

Streeter, Early History of Maryland, 
49. 

Strong, Leonard, 228, 233; opposes 
Gov. Stone, 239-240; Babylon's Fall, 
235-246; see also Langford, John. 



Stuart, Charles; see Charles II. 

Stubbs, John, 401. 

Stumpson, William, 275. 

Sturman, John, 275. 

Stuyvesant, Gov. Peter, sends embassy 
to Maryland, 314-333. 

Susquehanna River, 78 n.; boundary 
disputes concerning, 436. 

Susquehannock Indians, 42, 78, 365- 
371; customs, 366-371, 376-377; 
government, 367; hunting rights of, 
440-441; oppose Christian influ- 
ences, 136; religious rites, 369-370, 
377; trade with, 155, 371; wars> 
74, 88-90, 138, 151, 367-369, 377, 
440. 

Sutton, John, 240. 

Swan Island, 398. 

Sweden, plantations in America, 167, 
190. 

Tailler, Thomas, 405; entertains and 
witnesses the Penn-Baltimore confer- 
ence, 421, 423-434. 

Talbot, George, surveyor-general of 
Maryland, 437 n.; conference with 
William Penn, 437-448. 

Tayac, or Indian emperor, 136. 

Thomson, Col. George, 256. 

Thomson, Maurice, 172. 

Thoroughgood, Capt. Thomas, 307- 
308. 

Thorowgood, Mr., 44. 

Thurloe, Sec. John, 208. 

Thurloe, State Papers, 183. 

Thurston, Thomas, 405. 

Tilghman, Capt. Samuel, dedication to, 
282-283. 

Tilman, Capt., 239, 266. 

Toleration, in Maryland, 16, 164, 175, 
190-191, 200, 204, 205, 213, 216, 
216 n., 219, 220, 228, 235, 238 n., 
250-252, 254-255, 260, 269, 269-274, 
275, 301-302, 348; in New England, 
401; in Virginia, 38, 235, 254, 301- 
302; of Catholics, 118; see also Catho- 
lics; Jesuits; Missionary activities; 
Religion. 

Tompkins, John, 154. 

Tompson, Mr., 19. 

Tred Avon Creek, 395, 395 n., 397, 
405. 

Truman, Major Thomas, 441. 



INDl^k 



Turner, Arthur, 275. 
Turner, Jan, 315. 

Upland, Pa., 419-420. 

Utie, Capt. John, 56, 56 n. 

Utie, Capt. Nathaniel, 312; conference 

with Dutch embassy, 325-332. 
Uwanno, 126. 

Van Laer; see Laer, A. J. F. van. 

Vaughan, Capt. Robert, 152, 154; dec- 
laration and certificate of, 274-75. 

Virginia, boundaries, 50, 155, 168, 170- 
172,209; climate, 290; animals, 291; 
birds, 291; fishing, 291; plants, 291; 
farming, 299; fertility of soil, 291; 
shipping, 289; trade conditions, 97- 
98, 206; corn trade, 53; flax, 299; 
silk, 296, 299; tobacco, 286, 296, 
298-299; trade with Barbados, 299; 
with Indians, 299; acts and patents, 
192-193; expeditions and voyages to, 
119 n., 288-289, 314; Friends in, 404; 
history of, 66, 93 n.; Indian wars, 83; 
laws, 294-295, 417 n.; massacres, 188, 
285; Parliament commission to, 168- 
169, 201-204, 256-257; plant-cutting 
riots, 417; colonization and character 
of settlers, 290-298; taxes, 298; re- 
lations with Maryland, 20, 21, 23, 33, 
39, 55, 58, 76-77, 111, 141-142, 154- 
155, 170-172, 177-180, 187-230; tol- 
eration in, 38, 200 n., 235, 254, 301- 
302; missionary activities, 286-287; 
and Maryland, 187-230. 

Virginia Company, charter of, 171 n., 
172, 188-189, 209. 

Vitelleschi, Father Mucio, 3. 

Waldron, Resolved, 312; assists Augus- 
tine Herrman, 325, 332-333. 

Walker, John, 275. 
- Ward, Henry, 415. 

Ward, Robert, 275. 

Warner, Sir Thomas, governor of St. 
Christopher, 39, 39 n. 

Warr, Thomas, 275. 

Warren, William, 275. 

Waterling, Walter, 275. 

Watkins Point, 102; boundary dis- 
putes concerning, 424, 426, 428, 433, 
435 



Watson's Island; see Palmer's Island 

Wells, Richard, 228. 

Welsh, surveyor-general of Delawaj 

447. 
Werowances, 71, 71 n., 72, 73, 84. 
West Indies, Spanish prizes, 37. 
Weston, Documents on South Caroline 

49. 
Westons, rebels in Barbados, 34. 
Wheat-Sheaf, ship, 387. 
Whitacre, George, 275. 
White, Father Andrew, 3, 27, 124; mis 

sionary labors of, 124-139; A Brief 

Relation of the Voyage unto Mary 

land, 29-45. 
Whitlocke, Bulstrode, 306, 306 n. 
Whittie, Capt. John, dedication to, 282- 

283. 
Wicks, Capt. Joseph, 317, 317 n., 318. 

assists in Herrman's expedition, 318, 

320. 
Wicomico River, 403, 403 n. 
Wicomesse Indians, 88-90. 
Widders, Robert, associate of George 

Fox, 394, 395, 404. 
Widdrington, Sir Thomas, 306, 306 n. 
Wighco; see Pocomoke River. 
William the Conqueror, 103 n. 
Williams, Edward, 275. 
Williamson, James, dediction to, 281- 

282. 
Wilson, George, 398. 
Winsmore, Dr., 404. 
Winsor, Narrative and Critical History 

of America, 322 n. 
Winter, Capt., 160. 
Winters, Sir John, 57. 
Winthrop, Journal, 75 n. 
Wintour, Lady Anne, 101. 
Wintour, Edward, 101. 
Wintour, Frederick, 101. 
Wiseman, Henry, 101. 
Wiseman, Sir Thomas, 101. 
Wisoes, 73, 84. } 

Witchcraft, 141. 
Wompompeag, 90. 
Wood, William, 65, 81; book on New 

England, 83. 
Woodstock Letters, 4, 28. 
Wright, Mr., 317. 
Wyat, Sir Francis, commission sent to, 

192. 
Wye River, 395, 395 n, 405. 







jlwD'EX 



.acomaco Indians, description of, 42- 
44; missionary activities among, 44; 

treaties with settlers, 73-74; wars, 
74. 



Yong, Capt. Thomas, 49, 75 n., 170 n.j 

Letter to Sir Toby Matthew, 53-61. 
York, Duke of, grant of New York to, 

410. 



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